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  • - I am Terrell Jermaine Starr,

  • senior reporter with The Root,

  • and I'm here with 2020 presidential candidate, Andrew Yang.

  • - Hey man, thanks for having me, it's great to be here.

  • - Right on, right on.

  • I promise, I will be really kind to you.

  • - Oh good, you know, I got that vibe from you.

  • - Listen, I wanna talk to you

  • about the social media support that you've been getting.

  • We see hashtags like secure the bag and Yang Gang,

  • so tell us, who are the members of the Yang Gang?

  • - So I've been running for president for more than a year,

  • and the name Yang Gang bubbled up a long time ago,

  • and so we've had the Yang Gang

  • as like our official, you know, campaign headquarters

  • for a while, but then what you're talking about

  • is I became something of a social media phenomenon

  • over the last six weeks or so.

  • You know, like, the enthusiasm, I have to say,

  • when I go to college campuses,

  • it seems like it tends to skew young,

  • and very internet-y, like they make a lot of memes.

  • The energy at our rallies is sky high,

  • where we just had a rally of 3000 people

  • at San Francisco and then 1,000 in Chicago.

  • We were joking, it's like man,

  • we can plant the flag in a lot of places,

  • and apparently like hundreds,

  • maybe thousands of people come out.

  • So we're gonna test that out.

  • I'm doing a national tour starting in mid April.

  • But when you see the energy in person,

  • then it makes you very excited

  • about all the enthusiasm online,

  • because it's translating into the real world.

  • It's not just people making memes,

  • it's actually people who wanna

  • come out and make real change.

  • - You talked about how capitalism

  • doesn't center real people and you've called

  • for a more human-centered capitalism.

  • What exactly does that mean?

  • - Capitalism right now, it's become

  • this winner take all economy, particularly in the US.

  • You have this crony capitalism, and like,

  • you know, really wealthy interests just pulling the strings,

  • and then you talk about competition,

  • and a lot of the biggest industries

  • are getting much less competitive.

  • Like, you see consolidation in the big tech companies,

  • you see consolidation in

  • the big banks and financial companies.

  • So we need to start using different measurements

  • to try to drive our economy and society forward,

  • where if you just lose capital efficiency,

  • we're gonna lose more and more

  • to software, robots, AI, and machines.

  • So we should, instead of using GDP and capital efficiency,

  • we should be using things like

  • how our kids are doing, our own mental health

  • and freedom from substance abuse,

  • average income and affordability, clean air and clean water,

  • and then use those as the actual

  • measurements of economic progress.

  • - Everything that you're saying

  • sounds like you're centering people,

  • which to me seems like the antithesis of capitalism itself,

  • and it sounds like you are calling

  • for a reform to capitalism.

  • - We need to evolve as fast as possible,

  • because if you just rely upon capital efficiency,

  • and the example I used in a lot of context is look,

  • there are three and a half million Americans

  • who drive trucks for a living.

  • So in 10 years, if you have

  • trucks that can drive themselves,

  • it doesn't matter if you're a really hardworking,

  • attentive truck driver or a shoddy one.

  • The robots gonna beat both of you, you know what I mean?

  • It's not dependent upon your own individual characteristics.

  • So if we use who can drive the truck better,

  • everyone loses, you know?

  • And so we need to have better measurements

  • than that as fast as possible.

  • I think of it evolving to the next stage of our economy,

  • but I 100% agree that if you just use capital efficiency

  • as a measuring stick, we're all gonna lose.

  • - One of your main goals is to implement

  • what you've called a universal basic income.

  • - The freedom dividend.

  • - [Terrell] Yes, there you go, the freedom dividend.

  • You talk about the humanity of just the GDP.

  • - Yes. - Right.

  • So just tell us exactly what that entails.

  • - Well, so, GDP is something we made up

  • almost 100 years ago during the Great Depression,

  • and I'd like to talk about my wife.

  • My wife's at home with our two boys,

  • one of whom is autistic,

  • and her work every day counts as zero on GDP.

  • So GDP is not measuring the right things.

  • So if we were to measure how our kids are doing

  • and how we're doing, like how we're thriving or not thriving

  • that's actually the measurement

  • for our economy that we need to

  • move towards as fast as possible.

  • And the great thing is, as president,

  • when I'm in the White House in 2021,

  • all I have to do is just walk down the street

  • to the Bureau of Labor Statistics and say

  • hey guys, GDP, almost 100 years old, kind of useless.

  • And so we're gonna update it to things

  • like how our kids are doing, how our environment is doing,

  • how we're doing, like whether we're mentally healthy,

  • because there's a mental health crisis in this country.

  • - You make that sound a lot easier

  • than what many people think it actually will be.

  • - Well, taking the measurements is pretty easy,

  • but then changing the way our economy

  • functions is obviously a little trickier.

  • - Which is the point, right?

  • So how do you plan on working with congress

  • in order to carry that out?

  • Because what you're saying immediately

  • is gonna pop up in people's mind like you're a socialist!

  • And you wanna give people free stuff!

  • Then you're gonna scare the hell out of people.

  • - You know, what I'm happy to say

  • is that millions of Americans are waking up

  • to the reality that we can't use

  • these twentieth century frameworks

  • for problems of 2020 and beyond.

  • It's not like people in, you know, 1914

  • when they're drawing this stuff up

  • were like artificial intelligence,

  • like self driving vehicles.

  • They didn't see a lot of this stuff coming.

  • One thing I'm happy to say is that as president,

  • I actually don't need congress's approval

  • to change the statistics, like that's not

  • a congressional thing, that's like

  • an agency thing, a branch.

  • You literally can just walk down the street

  • and say hey guys, let's use some new stats.

  • - How come no one else has done that?

  • - Well, it's because we've been focused on the wrong things.

  • If you look at the big measurements

  • that we're using for the economy,

  • it's GDP, which is like near a record high,

  • stock market growth, which doesn't affect

  • the bottom 80% of Americans, for the most part,

  • and then headline on employment rate,

  • which even though it looks good right now,

  • there are millions of Americans

  • that have just dropped out of the workforce,

  • including one of out five prime working age American men.

  • So they just have the wrong measurements,

  • and as someone who's done a few things

  • that required you to actually see where you're going,

  • like, if you have the wrong measurements, you're doomed.

  • So I can't speak to why we've been

  • hanging on to this GDP measurement for a hundred years,

  • even though the inventor of GDP

  • even said this is a terrible measurement

  • for national wellbeing, we should never use it as that.

  • - So we need to completely get rid of that,

  • and replace it with something that deals more

  • with how human beings-- - How we're doing, right.

  • And one of the things I said to Breakfast Club

  • in that interview was that

  • the median African American net worth

  • is projected to be zero by 2053,

  • and now you have to ask like why the heck is that?

  • - What does that exactly mean for us?

  • You know, for black people by 2053?

  • What would that look like?

  • - Yeah, so and this is why I'm running for president,

  • why I'm so passionate about our need

  • to really evolve and get our heads out of the sand.

  • So if you look at the five most common jobs

  • in the US economy, and the African American community

  • will like, you know, it'd be occupying many of these jobs.

  • Number one is retail, and 30%

  • of American malls and stores are closing.

  • The average retail worker is a 39 year old woman

  • making between 10 and 11 dollars an hour.

  • So if 30% of those stores close,

  • what happens to those jobs and families?

  • Another top job is customer service and call centers.

  • Artificial intelligence is gonna be able

  • to do the job of that two and a half million

  • call center workers in the United States,

  • who now make 14 bucks an hour.

  • So then what happens to those workers?

  • So these are jobs that are filled

  • by the majority of Americans, including Americans of color,

  • and so then if you're automating away

  • those jobs as fast as possible, which is what we're doing,

  • then who bears the brunt of it?

  • And also who wins?

  • Like, the people who win will be

  • the big tech companies and the folks at the top,

  • and we know those organizations

  • aren't exactly the most, you know,

  • representative of the US population or the most diverse.

  • - Oh, not at all, which goes to the point

  • of closing the racial wealth gap.

  • - Yes.

  • - So how do you specifically plan

  • on addressing this issue, particularly for black people

  • so that the gap that we are experiencing closes before 2053?

  • - Exactly, and that's one reason

  • why I'm so excited about the freedom dividend.

  • Putting a 1000 bucks a month into the hands

  • of every American at age 18, which is what I'm proposing

  • and is what we can make happen in 2021,

  • when I'm president, but this is something

  • that Martin Luther King championed in 1967,

  • the year before he was killed.

  • He was prescient.

  • He saw a lot of things coming, and he said look,

  • we need to actually just move towards

  • putting money into the hands of African American families

  • and consumers and communities and businesses,

  • and this is the way to do it.

  • - How else would you address this gap,

  • particularly giving, you know, particularly

  • creating a plan for black people,

  • not specifically to everybody else?

  • - Well, so there are issues specific

  • to the black community that you need

  • separate plans to try and address.

  • What I'm suggesting is that first,

  • if you start with this 1000 bucks a month

  • in everyone's hands, then that disproportionately helps

  • people that are more excluded.

  • And by the math, it actually does reduce

  • the wealth gap and income inequality.

  • - By how much though?

  • By how much?

  • - It's really significant.

  • Like, you're talking about the single biggest move

  • that would actually close the vast wealth gap

  • that anyone has proposed, is what I'm proposing.

  • And so if you had 12000 per year

  • and imagine you had a household

  • with, like, you know, two adults and an 18 year old,

  • that's 36000 dollars a year in that household,

  • and so it ends up closing the wealth gap

  • very very quickly, and then the great thing is

  • that there is like the effect of all that money

  • circulating in that community,

  • and one thing I've said is that

  • if you wanna strengthen African American owned businesses,

  • you have to get money into the hands

  • of African American consumers.

  • - Do you believe in reparations?

  • - Yeah, so I 100% agree with

  • the moral case for reparations.

  • I read Ta-Nehisi Coates, and it's clear

  • that this country was built on the backs of slaves.

  • And so the question is what we can get done

  • as a society to help try and make that right,

  • when in reality, there's really nothing

  • anyone can do that can make that right.

  • Like, you can't go back and undo, you know,

  • decades of subjugation and inhumanity.

  • There is no dollar amount you could be, like,

  • ends, like, everything is now copacetic.

  • - It's not gonna make it better,

  • but it would make people feel a little bit better.

  • - And I'm a numbers guy, and I agree

  • that, like in, you know, reading Ta-Nehisi Coate's analysis,

  • if you were to put a number on it,

  • that number would be enormous.

  • Like, rightfully so.

  • - So is slavery and white supremacy, right?

  • - Exactly, like if you were to put a number on it,

  • the number is like, you know,

  • like, in the trillions, realistically.

  • Because if you look at that dollar amount

  • and then grow it overtime and extrapolate it.

  • So the question is how do we get started?

  • And what I'm going to suggest is the way we get started

  • is we put a 1000 bucks a month into everyone's hands.

  • That would be, literally, hundreds

  • of billions of dollars in the hands

  • of African Americans every single year.

  • - We would get that, so--

  • - [Andrew] And then, after that point,

  • then you start looking and saying

  • okay, what more can we do?

  • But you start with something that will

  • disproportionately help people of color.

  • - Not people of color, black people.

  • - [Andrew] Yes.

  • - Let's stick to black people.

  • And you agree with the moral argument.

  • - Yes.

  • - Do you agree with a practical economic plan

  • that will carry out some form of reparations,

  • whatever it may be, for black people?

  • - I believe that we need to move

  • in that direction as fast as possible, yes.

  • - Do you think soon that you'll come up with

  • a plan of what that could potentially look like?

  • - Well, so I have some policy proposals

  • that are specifically directed at strengthening,

  • you know, the black community.

  • - Tell us one.

  • - So one is that if you look at historically black

  • colleges and universities, the problem

  • in our educational system is that

  • it makes more sense to cater to people

  • that have lots of money that can pay you

  • and then donate afterwards.

  • - [Terrell] Sure.

  • - Meanwhile, HBCUs have been incredible successful

  • at elevating the paths of hundreds

  • of thousands of African Americans,

  • and a lot of those schools are now struggling

  • because they're serving a group

  • that doesn't necessarily have the means

  • to come back and you know, like, donate a ton.

  • So the federal government needs to step in and say

  • look, we need to shore up the endowments

  • of these historically black colleges and universities

  • that have been awesomely successful

  • and been pillars of our country

  • for decades in many cases,

  • because this is something where the market will not suffice.

  • - The problem is that there are plenty of black folk

  • who have all types of degrees and they can't find jobs,

  • right, so that goes back to the reparations question.

  • Investing in education does not necessarily equal

  • being able to get into the workforce.

  • Is there anything else that has

  • an economic incentive that will repay

  • black people for the economic racism

  • that we have endured for hundreds of years?

  • - Yes, so the way, the way, and I agree with you,

  • that at this point, getting a degree does not ensure,

  • like, a stable livelihood afterwards.

  • I mean, the underemployment rate

  • for recent college graduates in this county is 44%,

  • and that's across everyone, and so that rate--

  • - I'm sure black people are far worse.

  • - Yeah, it's probably even higher.

  • (laughter)

  • Yeah, it's probably even higher.

  • So that's one thing that I believe

  • we have to try and adjust to, is like,

  • if someone is like hey, education, education, education,

  • the fact is, like, you get a degree now,

  • like, you might just have this giant debt load

  • and no job at the end of it.

  • So the next big move we have to make

  • is we just have to start putting

  • 1000 bucks a month into everyone's hands, that then ends up,

  • like, really diversifying people's options.

  • Because a lot of people go into

  • various higher education programs

  • because they feel like that's their

  • only secure path forward, and then

  • they wind up with a debt load,

  • and it may or may not work out,

  • whereas if you're putting 12000 bucks a year

  • into people's hands, then like

  • how many more entrepreneurs would there be,

  • how many more artists and creatives would there be,

  • how many more people would be able

  • to chart a different sort of path for themselves

  • that's not dependent necessarily

  • upon a degree or credentials.

  • - You know, you talk about climate change a lot, right?

  • And your plan includes, like, funding

  • for health initiatives and research

  • for respiratory disease caused by air emissions.

  • So you know that EPA scientists found

  • in a recent study that black people

  • are disproportionately impacted by poor air quality.

  • How much of the research made that you're proposing

  • will be directed to black communities

  • that are most impacted by air emissions?

  • - Yeah, I've seen that set of research,

  • and it's true that African American communities

  • are disproportionately affected by air quality,

  • and so I would wanna put the money

  • to work where the problems are most acute,

  • and so if there's a population

  • that's disproportionately affected,

  • then the resources should represent that.

  • - I mean, what does that, resources should reflect that,

  • but more specifically as president,

  • what would be your first move?

  • Like, what would that look like?

  • - So, I mean, you're talking about, like,

  • let's say for example it's like NHI grants.

  • So it could be that everyone,

  • like if you're trying to study the effects

  • of air pollution on various populations,

  • the NHI would dispense various grants.

  • If the impact is disproportionate on the black community,

  • then a disproportionate amount of the grant money

  • should go towards trying to address that problem.

  • - Okay, so you call for prioritizing

  • sustainable infrastructure in urban development, right?

  • And taking advantage of new materials and designs,

  • and I think there is no city

  • that would be ground zero for that than Flint, Michigan.

  • - Yes, I agree.

  • - And so what type of plan would you have

  • specifically for Flint, Michigan as president?

  • - At this point, it's like a national tragedy

  • slash embarrassment that the people

  • in Flint still have unsafe drinking water,

  • and the problem is that the United States of America

  • has gotten really bad at building and rebuilding,

  • where what's happened is you've got

  • this very old set of pipes that have

  • then contaminated drinking water for this population,

  • and all of these families and children

  • are suffering as a result.

  • The problem is that those resources

  • would theoretically come from the state of Michigan,

  • and Michigan does not have the resources to say

  • look, we need to just redo this.

  • Like, what they did is they tried

  • to save a few bucks here and there

  • and then it ended up, they tried

  • to sort of hand wave away the fact

  • that this contamination was happening.

  • So I will vow, as president,

  • we're gonna make the drinking in Flint crystal,

  • like, safe as can be, and whatever that takes,

  • if that takes federal money,

  • going in and just tearing out all of those pipes

  • and rebuilding them from ground zero,

  • then that's what we're gonna do,

  • and if the state of Michigan doesn't

  • have the will to do that,

  • then we'll do it as the federal government.

  • - Do you feel that as president

  • that there should be a federal inquiry into what happened?

  • - Yes, yes, and the thing is,

  • Flint is a national symbol, but there are other Flints.

  • Flint is not an isolated case in the sense

  • that there other decaying water systems

  • that are now funneling contaminated water

  • to children and other communities,

  • and this is in many ways an emblem

  • of what's gone wrong in our country,

  • is that these systems were built decades ago.

  • Sometimes in cases where they didn't even know

  • that some of this stuff existed.

  • And then we let it decay over decades

  • because we've just gotten terrible at actually building

  • and rebuilding anything in this country.

  • Our infrastructure is falling apart,

  • and then of course it's poorer communities

  • that get ignored politically

  • that end up bearing the brunt of it.

  • - How much of the criminality in it

  • and how much of the lack of political will

  • is fueled by racism?

  • - A significant amount of it.

  • Because right now in this society, money talks,

  • and if there was, like, some rich white suburb

  • where like anyone caught a whiff

  • of some kind of drinking water problem,

  • like people would be on it, you know, immediately.

  • The next day, it'd be like freaking scientists

  • and microscopes studying the heck out of that.

  • And then if it's some poor black community in Ohio,

  • like, you know. (laughter)

  • Like, you know, just turn a blind eye,

  • and that's, you know, that's an emblem

  • of what's gone wrong in our country,

  • is that we size people up based upon

  • their economic value as opposed to their human value.

  • So the slogan for my campaign is Humanity First,

  • is that we're all human beings, we all have equal value,

  • and we need to start acting like that,

  • and just because a community might not

  • have the political clout or the financial resources

  • does not mean that we can poison their kids

  • and think that's a moral way to operate as a country.

  • - What would you say to the people

  • of Flint in particular who feel

  • that racism is fueling this crisis

  • where they can't go to the tap and drink water?

  • - I would say they feel that way because it's accurate,

  • and it would be actually

  • highly bizarre if they did not feel that way.

  • So, you know, like, I agree with them.

  • So the question is what are we gonna do about it?

  • And as president, one of the things I'm gonna do

  • is I'm gonna go to Flint, I'm gonna stand there,

  • and I'm gonna be like hey, like I promise you

  • that I'm gonna come back and just drink from a tap,

  • and whatever needs to happen between now and then

  • so that, actually, scratch that,

  • I have two kids who are six and three.

  • They're gonna drink from the tap.

  • And so whatever we need to do

  • between when I'm there and my kids drinking from the tap,

  • that's what we're gonna do.

  • - Oh, so, have you experienced racism in your life?

  • - I was the lone skinny Asian kid in all white neighborhood,

  • so I experienced a lot of that sort

  • of juvenile, you know, taunting.

  • I was called, you know, gook and chink

  • and things like that all the time as a kid.

  • I understand what it's like to be in that situation.

  • I would not pretend to understand

  • what it's like to grow up African American,

  • because they're very different sorts of experiences,

  • but I know what it's like to have had

  • my set of experiences, and I understand

  • that when someone meets me, the first thing

  • they register is that I'm Asian or Asian American,

  • and then some things go through their heads,

  • and I understand what that process is.

  • One of the things I think is going wrong in this country

  • is that we've sort of oversimplified

  • racism into particular things.

  • Like to me, a lot of racism has to be

  • about some kind of power dynamic.

  • It's like, if you see me and acknowledge

  • my race in your head, like, of course

  • you do, that's just human nature.

  • That's not racism.

  • Racism is when somehow there's some kind

  • of negative impact on my life

  • because there's a power dynamic

  • that I'm on the other end of.

  • And so, you know, we have to try

  • and like address the institutional or systemic racism

  • where we can find it, while also looking at each other

  • and saying hey, the fact that you notice,

  • you know, that I'm of a certain background.

  • I mean, that's not a problem.

  • - You know, there's a lot of challenges

  • that Obama had when he was running for president.

  • Was America ready for a black president?

  • It clearly was, and I just wanna ask you,

  • what about America being ready

  • for its first Asian American president?

  • Have you thought about that?

  • - You know, I've been campaigning

  • in Iowa and Ohio and New Hampshire,

  • and I have to say that my race

  • has not been a huge pressing issue

  • for many of the voters there.

  • Like, they're more focused on what I can do,

  • what my vision is for the country,

  • and what my vision would do for them and their families.

  • They're more concerned about their own wellbeing

  • and their family and their communities.

  • So I don't think that my race is an issue

  • to the voters in the places

  • that I've been at least, campaigning.

  • - You propose that every police officer

  • is equipped with a body camera.

  • There are a lot of departments that have body cameras,

  • but they don't release the footage.

  • - Yeah, that's a problem.

  • - So how are you gonna get around that?

  • Because you're for funding the cameras.

  • The departments often refuse to release the footage,

  • so how you get around that?

  • - Yeah, so what you have to do

  • is you have to set up, like, a legal predisposition

  • where when you show up at the hearing or the tribunal

  • and then you ask hey, where's the footage?

  • And they're like hey, we don't have it, we don't use it.

  • Then that ends up starting to count

  • as like a negative factor against the officer,

  • where it's like wait, if you don't have the footage,

  • then we're actually gonna start questioning more closely

  • your version of events, because right now,

  • the absence of footage is sort of a default.

  • If you make it so that the footage is the default,

  • and then the absence of footage

  • means that maybe something shady went on,

  • then you can start trying to ratchet up the incentive

  • so that people have to not just have the cameras on,

  • but then use the footage to figure out

  • what happened after the fact.

  • - What's the punishment for when

  • police officers don't comply?

  • - This is one of the trickiest things,

  • is that police have a hard time policing themselves.

  • You know, it's like, and that's not unique

  • to that particular group of people.

  • I mean, it's true of a lot of groups.

  • - Yeah, but most of the groups don't have guns.

  • - Yes, so the question is how do you actually have

  • some sort of enforcement mechanism

  • that's independent of the existing police department,

  • particularly when you're trying to

  • figure out what happened after the fact,

  • and that's something that I am very very

  • open to empowering some sort of independent body,

  • in the Department of Justice or elsewhere,

  • to sort of assist with trying to figure out what happened,

  • and then if you don't have footage, then they'll be like

  • look, if you don't have footage,

  • then unfortunately, we're starting

  • to see that as very very negative.

  • But the first step is making sure

  • that everyone can have the footage,

  • and then the second step is saying

  • okay, look, if you don't have the footage,

  • then something that's not kosher might have gone down here.

  • - There are many people who feel that

  • policing as we know it is unsustainable

  • and that it needs to be abolished

  • and replaced with a different type of enforcement.

  • What is your response to that?

  • - Well, I think that that's insightful

  • in the sense that community based policing

  • would be much much more effective

  • in many many situations, and trying

  • to demilitarize police departments.

  • It's like a lot of these police departments

  • have essentially military hardware.

  • And then so if you have military hardware

  • and you don't really know the people you're policing,

  • then you wind up with this

  • very very naturally mistrustful dynamic.

  • - Would you cut off any type of program federally

  • that would give police officers military equipment?

  • - Yes, I would.

  • I do not think that police departments

  • need military equipment in like 98% of situations,

  • and that if they do need it,

  • then there are other units that can assist with that.

  • I mean, that's why these other units exist.

  • - What makes you different from Bernie Sanders?

  • Because both of y'all talk about

  • giving everybody free stuff.

  • - Well, you know, I'm aligned

  • with many of Bernie's goals and values.

  • Like I think my approaches are sometimes

  • a little bit different and I would argue a bit more modern.

  • The main thing I would distinguish myself

  • in terms of the freedom dividend

  • is I just wanna give everyone

  • straight cash of 1000 bucks a month.

  • Like, that's the most impactful thing we can do.

  • And then, like, a lot of Bernie's things

  • try and get to the same place,

  • but do it through various institutions,

  • like free public college and this and that,

  • and I'm like no, straight cash.

  • Money is the most effective way

  • we can help people improve the situation for their families,

  • their communities, and themselves.

  • - You tweeted back in June 2018

  • about the deaths of whites outnumbering births,

  • and that sparked a backlash of people

  • who think that falls into the narrative

  • of white genocide in America.

  • Just wanted to ask you how you respond to that criticism.

  • - You know, I mean, I was literally

  • just retweeting a New York Times article

  • that had a stat that said hey,

  • more whites are dying in various counties

  • than are being born, and then I looked at that,

  • and a lot of it's because of opiate deaths,

  • and so I just retweeted that, because you know,

  • to me that's a really compelling picture,

  • is that if you have communities that are dying from drugs,

  • I mean, and it's not frankly communities

  • that people had previously associated

  • with that sort of phenomenon.

  • But I care about, you know, you can probably

  • see if you went back in my Twitter,

  • I've tweeted about a lot of different things.

  • - Yeah, but I think the critique

  • is that it plays into this notion

  • of, you know, the white person's dying in America,

  • and, you know, people of color

  • are kind of coming in and taking over.

  • That's the sentiment, even though

  • that retweet may not have come across that way.

  • - No, and I appreciate that.

  • Thank you for providing the context.

  • So here are just the straight facts.

  • Americans are dying younger because of suicide

  • and drug overdoses, regardless of their racial background.

  • Like, our overall life expectancy

  • has declined for the last three years,

  • which is almost unheard of in a developed country.

  • That's just gruesome and horrific for all of us,

  • you know, of any background.

  • You look around and be like wait a minute,

  • we're supposed to be the richest,

  • most advanced country in the world,

  • and we're dying of drugs and suicides

  • at epic levels to the point where

  • it's actually bringing our life expectancy down?

  • And so I completely disagree with the narrative

  • you just described, which is like

  • somehow other people are like taking over.

  • What I'm saying is like there's just

  • a society wide disintegration that's happening to us all,

  • and you know, we need to start looking at

  • and being like is it normal for a developed country's

  • life expectancy to go down three years in a row?

  • No, it is not.

  • - What do you say to people who don't know you,

  • and the first thing that pops in their mind

  • is this man does not stand a chance in hell of winning?

  • - Well, you know, it's funny.

  • There are various sites where they put

  • odds on someone becoming the nominee,

  • and right now I'm fifth.

  • They have me at 14% to win the nomination,

  • and the reason for that is that

  • I'm already peeling off voters

  • from all these different segments of the population,

  • in part because I'm telling the truth

  • about what's happening to our society.

  • And so my chances of winning go up every single day,

  • and I've already qualified for

  • the democratic primary debates,

  • raised over a million dollars

  • in increments of only 20 dollars in the last five weeks.

  • This campaign is just gonna keep on rising,

  • we're gonna peak at the right time,

  • and then when I'm president,

  • I'm gonna get people that money,

  • because that's what people have put me--

  • - Gonna release that bag, right?

  • - I'm gonna get you that bag.

  • - Are you gonna get me mine first?

  • - Yeah man, you can be there at the inauguration.

  • - Okay. (laughter)

  • Mr. Yang, thank you so much for the time.

  • - It was a pleasure man, it's great to be here.

- I am Terrell Jermaine Starr,

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アンドリュー・ヤンのブラック・アメリカのための計画 (Andrew Yang's Plan For Black America)

  • 35 2
    王惟惟 に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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