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  • >> MERRILL: I'm Douglas Merrill. I'm a VP of Engineering here at Google, and as side

  • note I have a PhD in Cognitive Science. In my dissertation, I spend about a chapter and

  • a half fairly but superlatively sighting you and saying why I think you're wrong, so. For

  • the record every time Steven and I have argued he is being right, and I'm sure it was the

  • case this time as well. Steven is the Johnstone Family Professor of Psychology at Harvard,

  • I believe. Is that roughly correct? He recently devolved. He was at MIT for many years, but

  • that's okay just to make it shorter. I asked Steven what he wanted me to say if anything

  • in particular and he wants me to definitely call out two things. One, well, and he wanted

  • me to call out one thing, which is that he was listed by Time Magazine as one of the

  • most 100 Most Influential People of All Time, which I find fairly creepy. But Steven wanted

  • me to mention that he appeared on Colbert and didn't suck. And with that it's a great,

  • great, great honor to introduce one of the fathers of the field of actually understanding

  • how human mind works, Steven Pinker. >> PINKER: Thank you so much. It's a real

  • pleasure and honor to be here. This old wood cut of the story of the blind man and the

  • elephant is a reminder that any complex subject can be studied in many ways. And that is certainly

  • true for a subject as complex as human nature. Anthropology can study universal patterns

  • of the belief and behavior across the world's societies as well as the ways in which they

  • defer. Biology can document how the process of evolution selected the genes that helped

  • to wire the brain. Psychology, my own field, can get people to disclose their foibles in

  • laboratory studies, and even fiction can illuminate human nature by showing the universal themes

  • and plots that obsess people in their myths and stories. This afternoon, I'm going to

  • give you the view from language: what kind of insight we can gain into thought, emotion

  • and social relations from words and how we use them. I'll talk about grammar as a window

  • into thought, swearing as a window into emotion, and innuendo as a window into social relationships.

  • And in each case, I'll start with a puzzle in language show how it reveals a much deeper

  • feature of the human mind using specific examples from English, the language of which all of

  • us are familiar. But examples that have close counterparts in many languages and that follow

  • an overall logic that can be found in all languages. So let's begin with language as

  • a window into thought. And the puzzle I will start off with comes from a delightful book

  • by Richard Lederer called "Crazy English" which has the following passage: "You have

  • to marvel at the unique lunacy of a language where a house can burn up as it burns down,

  • and in which you fill in a form by filling it out. Why is it called 'after dark' when

  • it is really after light? Things that we claim are underwater and underground are surrounded

  • by, not under the water and ground." So the first puzzle is why languages talk about the

  • physical world in such crazy ways. And the answer I'm going to suggest is that there

  • is a theory of physics embedded in our language: A concept of space in our prepositions, a

  • concept of matter in our nouns, a concept of space in our propositions, a concept of

  • a matter in our nouns, a concept of time in our tenses, and a concept of causality in

  • our verbs. That understanding the intuitive physics in language helps to explain not just

  • the quirks of language itself but the mental models that humans use to make sense of their

  • lives. So, let's start off with space. How do we locate an object relative to a place,

  • a reference location or coordinate frame? Well, you can imagine an ideal hypothetical

  • system of prepositions where every proposition was composed of six syllables: one each for

  • distance in the up-down, left-right and front-back direction, and then one each for the angle

  • of pitch, roll and yaw. Needless to say, no language uses this system. Instead, location

  • is digitized. Languages make distinctions like near versus far, on versus off, in versus

  • out, on versus under. Which is why Groucho could say, "If I could held you any closer,

  • I'd be on the other side of you." Also scale is relative. You can use the same spatial

  • term across to refer to an ant walking across a hand or a bus driving across the country.

  • And the interpretation of the word "there" will defer in a sentence like put it there,

  • depending on whether the person uttering it is a crane operator or a brain surgeon. Also

  • shape is schematic. In reality, all objects are 3-dimentional arrangements of matter.

  • But language idealizes them as essentially 1-deminsional, 2-dimensional, or 3-dimensional.

  • So we've got a line which courses a 1-dimentional, but also a road which is conceived up as 1-dimentional

  • with a little width flashing it out, and a beam which is also conceived as 1-dimentional

  • but with a finite thickness flashing it out. In contrast, we've got a surface which is

  • 2-dimentional or a slab also construed as 2-dimentional with some finite thickness.

  • This idealized geometry governs are used of prepositions. So, for example the preposition

  • "along" requires an essentially 1-dimentional object. You can say the ant walked along the

  • line or along the road or along the beam, but not the ant walked along the plate or

  • along the ball which sounds a little anomalous. It governs the way we apply nouns to shape.

  • So we don't refer to a wire as a cylinder as a long, skinny cylinder, nor a CD is a

  • cylinder, a short fat one even though geometrically speaking that's what they are. But because

  • we ignore certain dimensions as insubstantial and idealize the shape as one of the remaining

  • dimensions. And I think it goes into our overall sense of shape, what we conceive of as similar

  • to what else, as when a child says, "I don't want a little crayon box. I want the box that

  • looks like audience." That is not the eight box of eight crayon box of Crayola, but the

  • sixty-four Crayon box where the crayons are arranged in pitched rows like the balcony

  • of an auditorium. A fourth quirk is that the boundaries of object are treated like objects

  • themselves. And this is something you may have heard of, heard from Ray Jackendoff,

  • my colleague who I understood stands--spoke here recently. We have words like "edge" which

  • refer to the 1-D boundary of a 2-D surface. And so, we could say the ant walked along

  • the edge of the plate, even if we can't see the ant walked along the plate. Or, and word

  • like "end" which is the boundary either of a 1-D ribbon or a 2-D beam, as long it's essentially

  • 1-D. And you could even cut the end off a ribbon, which geometrically speaking ought

  • to be impossible but we conceive of the end as if it was an object itself. That explains

  • the mystery of why we say, "underwater" and "underground" when the thing is surrounded

  • by water or ground. It's because the word "water" or "ground" can refer to the 2-D surface

  • of the 3-D volume, not just the 3-D volume itself, and you can be under that surface.

  • So why is the language of space so crazy? Well, I think the main reason is that preposition

  • divide up space into regions with different causal consequences. And the clearest illustration

  • of that comes from a story that I clipped out at the Boston Globe a few years ago: Woman

  • rescued from frozen pond dies. A woman who fell through thin ice Sunday and was under

  • water for 90 minutes died yesterday. The Lincoln Fire Department said a miscommunication between

  • the caller who reported the accident and the dispatcher significantly delayed her rescue.

  • The rescue workers believed that a woman had fallen on the ice, not through it, and that

  • left the rescuers combing the woods to find the scene of the accident. So that digital

  • distinction between "on" and "through" in this case was literally a matter of life and

  • death even though it involved just a couple of feet in analog space. Let me turn to substance

  • in language. Language distinguishes stuff from things. Indeed, language taxonomises

  • matter into four categories. There are countable things as an apple; masses as in much apple

  • sauce; plurals as in many apples; and collections as in a dozen apples. These aren't so much

  • different kinds of matter as different frames or attitudes in looking at matter which is

  • why we can look at the same mass of little rocks and think of it either as pebbles, a

  • collection of individuals or as gravel, an amorphous stuff, and why we have the cliche

  • about the person who can't see the forest for the trees. In Crazy English, Lederer asks,

  • "Why does a man with hair on his head have more hair than a man with hairs on his head?"

  • Why is the language of substance so crazy? Well, words for matter allow people to agree

  • on how to package and quantify the continuous material world. In an obvious context in which

  • we see that is at the supermarket where chunks of matter have to be transacted and they can

  • be priced per item, which is what a count noun does; by weight, which is what a mass

  • noun does; or by the dozen, which is what a collective noun does. And in fact, that

  • same mindset that we apply to packaging matter in the physical world, we also apply to abstract

  • concepts. So just as we have the distinction between pebbles and gravel, we have a distinction

  • between many opinions as if they were discrete object and much advice as if it was an amorphous

  • mass. We do the same thing to happenings in time. We package the flow of experience in

  • the same way that we package the continuum of matter. For example, let's say I would

  • ask you, how many events took place in the morning of 9/11 in New York City? One answer

  • is there was one event, because a single plan was executed. You can demarcate events by

  • the realization of a plan. Another answer is two, because two buildings were destroyed.

  • You can demarcate time by salient physical events. This might seem like the height of

  • pointless semantic nitpicking or hairsplitting, but in fact it is a question with consequences

  • because the lease holder for the World Trade Center had an insurance policy that entitled

  • them to 3.5 billion dollars per destructive event. If 9/11 comprised one event, he stood

  • to gain three and half billion. If it comprised two events, he stood to gain seven billion.

  • And in a number of court cases tied up for many years, the lawyers debated this issue

  • in semantics. So if anyone says, "How much is a semantic distinction worth?" The answer

  • is $3.5 billion. Well, this brings me to the language of time. And this illustration reminds

  • us the time in many ways is conceived like space, and happenings are conceived like matter

  • as if there's a kind of "time-stuff" that could be chopped into the equivalent of objects,

  • except we call them events. We see this in the many spatial metaphors for time like "the

  • deadline is coming," or "we're approaching the deadline." We see it in kind of errors

  • that children make like, "Can I have any reading behind the dinner?" That is, after the dinner

  • as if events were stretched out in front of us. And we see it in the semantics of verb

  • tense. Now, verb tense, in many ways follows a semantics that is parallel to the semantics

  • of space and matter in the case of prepositions and nouns. First, time is digitized, and second

  • time is relative. That is, no language has tenses for precise intervals of time like

  • an hour, nor for locations in time like November 7, 2007. Instead, location in time is trichotomized

  • in English into three regions to find relative to the moment of speaking. An event can be

  • located in the specious present, an interval of about three seconds in which we don't make

  • temporal distinctions. It's the basic unit of nouns. This is the--specious present is

  • a term from William James, and it refers to an interval of time that embraces a deliberate

  • action like a handshake, a quick decision like how long you alight on a channel while

  • channel surfing and decide whether to click again, to the decay of unrehearsed short-term

  • memory to a line of poetry, and to a musical motif like the opening notes of Beethoven's

  • Fifth which we don't perceive as just one note, one note, one note but rather as a coherent

  • motif. Then there's the past stretching backwards indefinitely. So, every event from four seconds

  • ago back to the big bang is treated as identical by the English language, which is why Groucho

  • could say, "I've had a wonderful evening, but this wasn't it." And then, there's the future until eternity,

  • that is, everything from four seconds from now until the heat death of the universe all

  • lumped together. There are not only locations in time, what I just referred to, but shapes

  • in time what linguist call "aspect," that is, how a happening begins, unfolds, and ends.

  • Shape in time, like shape in space is treated schematically. We conceive of some happenings

  • as amorphously spread out in time without any crisp beginning or end, such as, the verb,

  • "to shake." We conceive of other events as momentaneous or a punctate, such as to swat

  • a fly. And then, still other events like to cross the street have no crisp beginning,

  • but are terminated until some goal has been achieved. In this case, you get to the other

  • side. Now the stretches of time that are defined by verbs can also be mentally packaged. In

  • the same way, that we can take a noun "beer" which just refers to the stuff generically

  • and then package it in a unit by use of the word "one" as in one beer, turned a mass noun

  • into a count noun. You can take an amorphous stretch of time like "shake it" and with the

  • use of particle like "out" turn it into an accomplishment that ends at a defined boundary

  • as in "shake it up," that is, shake it until up to completion. Likewise, we can take "wring

  • it" which is indefinite in terms of when it ends, and give an endpoint with the particle

  • "out" and say, "wring it out," that is, until it's dry. And that is why, a house can burn

  • up as it burns down, and you can fill in a form by filling it out. Finally, the boundary

  • of an event can be treated like an event itself, just as with space. Just as I can cut off

  • the end of a ribbon which is geometrically impossible, I can start the end of my talk

  • which is temporally impossible if you think of end as simply the instant of termination.

  • Why is it called "after dark" when it is really after light? Well, dark is--refers not just

  • to the interval of darkness but to the boundary of the interval of darkness, and it's exactly

  • isomorphic to why in the language of space we can say "underwater" when the thing is

  • surrounded by water. Why is the language of time so crazy? Well, we identify locations

  • in time coarsely, because stretches of time relative to the moment of speaking have different

  • consequences for knowledge and action. And a fancy-shmancy way of putting it would be

  • that there's a bit of metaphysics and epistemology that's packed into our tense system. It's

  • not purely a chronological concept. In particular, that present tense corresponds to our own

  • consciousness, to what you can experience as you're alive and awake and aware, and are

  • registering your own consciousness. The past is not just an interval in time, but that

  • which is thought to be knowable and factual and unchangeable. As in a report of the Scott

  • Peterson murder case as it was unfolding, where investigators noted that Peterson used

  • the past tense when referring to his wife and unborn son before their bodies were found,

  • abruptly correcting himself. His use of the past tense betrayed his knowledge of what

  • he knew had taken place while he was testifying. The future conversely we conceive of is not

  • just any old stretch of time but that which is unknowable, hypothetical, and willable.

  • As when Winston Churchill said, "We shall fight on the beaches. We shall fight on the

  • landing grounds. We shall fight in the fields and in the streets. We shall fight in the

  • hills. We shall never surrender." It's deliberately ambiguous whether he was simply making a prediction

  • as to what would happen on a future date, or whether he was making a declaration of

  • resolve and will. Those two can't be distinguished, and the future tense in English and many other

  • languages systematically conflates them. And finally, we turn to causality of language

  • where the model of causality in our verbs can be summarized in this diagram, that is,

  • an actor directly impinges on an entity, making it move or change. The psychologist, Phillip

  • Wolff, has done a simple experiment to show how this works. He had computer animations.

  • In one case, Sarah grabbed the doorknob and physically swung the door open; in the other

  • case, she opened the window and a breeze blew the door open. If you ask people, "Did Sarah

  • cause the door to open?" In both cases, people say yes. If you then express causality inside

  • the verb by saying, "Did Sarah open the door?" Then in the case where she manhandled the

  • door, they say yes. In the case where it was more circuitous, they say no. Why is the language

  • of causality so crazy? Well, directly caused events are the ones that are most likely to

  • be foreseeable and intended; hence, those for which we can hold people responsible.

  • And a nice illustration of that comes from an episode in American History in 1881, which

  • shows that when the directness of causation is fuzzy, so is our sense of moral and legal

  • responsibility. President James Garfield was waiting for a train in a Baltimore Station,

  • and Charles Guiteau stalking him, fired two shots into him. Now, the bullets missed his

  • major organs and arteries, and his wound needn't have been fatal even in Garfield's time. However,

  • he was subjected to the harebrained medical practices of the day, which included probing

  • his wound with unwashed hands and feeding him through this rectum instead of through

  • his mouth. So, he wasted away on his deathbed for three months before finally succumbing

  • of infection and starvation. At the assassin's murder trial, he said--the assassin said,

  • "The doctors killed him. I just shot him." The jury was unpersuaded and Guiteau hanged,

  • but nonetheless, this is another illustration of the life and death consequences of the

  • semantics of a verb. So to sum up language as a window into cognition, there's a theory

  • of physics embedded in our language, a conception of space in terms of places and object and

  • qualitative relationships, a conception of matter in terms of stuff and things, stretched

  • along 1, 2, or 3 dimensions, a conception of time in terms of processes and events,

  • located and stretched along a single dimension, and a conception of causality in terms of

  • the direct impingement of an actor upon an entity. This way of construing reality differs

  • from real physics but it corresponds to human goals and purposes; the causal texture of

  • the environment, what is knowable, factual, and willable; to ways of packaging and measuring

  • our experience; and to ways of assigning responsibility for events. Let me now turn to Part II. Language

  • is a window into emotion. And again, I'll begin with a puzzle of language. Four years

  • ago, the Golden Global Awards were broadcast on live network television on NBC. And accepting

  • an award on behalf of the rock group, U2, its leader Bono said in accepting the award,

  • "This is really, really fucking brilliant." Now, the switchboards lit up like a Christmas

  • tree. The case eventually landed up on the desk of the FCC, which had to decide whether

  • to fine the network for failing to bleep out the offending word. And somewhat surprisingly,

  • the FCC chose not to fine NBC, saying that their regulations defined indecency as, "Material

  • that describes or depicts sexual or excretory organs or activities," and that the "fucking"

  • in "fucking brilliant" is, "An adjective or expletive to emphasized an exclamation." Well,

  • cultural conservatives were enraged, and there were a number of bills filed in Congress to

  • close that loophole. Of which my favorite is, House Resolution 3687: The Clean Airwaves

  • Act, which I will now read in its entirety. You can look it up. "Be it enacted by the

  • Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

  • that section 1464 of title 18, United States Code is amended: (1) by inserting '(a)' before

  • 'Whoever'; and (2) The term 'profane,' used with respect to language, includes the words,

  • 'shit,' 'piss,' fuck,' 'cunt, 'asshole,' and the phrases 'cock sucker,' 'mother fucker,'

  • and 'ass-hole,' compound use including hyphenated compounds of such words and phrases with each

  • other or with other words or phrases, and other grammatical forms of such words and

  • phrases including verb, adjective, gerund, participle, and infinitive forms." Unfortunately,

  • the "fucking" in "fucking brilliant" is an adverb, and that's the one part of speech

  • that they forgot to include on the list. So, grammar matters, linguistic is important.

  • And the question is, why do people get so upset about certain words? It's not as if

  • anyone hasn't heard them, and indeed, words for sex and excretion have been the main legal

  • battleground of free speech in the past century. There's a paradox. You can turn on a late

  • night television and watch Leno or Letterman or Stewart called George Bush a moron or a

  • liar, and they didn't have to worry about getting their tongues cut out or being burn

  • at the stake or worse. But if they were to use particular words to refer to excretion

  • or sexuality, the network would be subject to ruinous fines. So what's going on there?

  • Well, that brings us to the language of swearing? And I'll begin with the cognitive neuroscience

  • of swearing; that is, how is the brain engaged when people use or hear a taboo word? The

  • main generalization is the taboo words activate brain areas associated with negative emotion.

  • They seem to be registered more in the right hemisphere, which we as independently been

  • connected with negative emotion. In production, they seem to involve the basal ganglia. That's

  • the area that is overactive in Tourette syndrome, for example. The basal ganglia being complex

  • networks of ganglia buried deep in both halves of the brain that are involved in packaging

  • sequences of behavior. In perception, they seemed to involve the amygdala, a two, small

  • almond-shaped organs also evolutionary quite ancient buried deep within the brain. Also,

  • taboo words are processed involuntarily. You can't help but hear a taboo word with all

  • of its emotional baggage. And the way that psychologists demonstrates that something

  • is involuntarily is to use the "Stroop Test," a phenomenon that is, familiar to any psychology

  • undergraduate and that has been the subject of more than 4,000 scientific papers. So,

  • the test is simple. You simply have to name the color in which a series of words is printed.

  • And we'll try it right now. I'll give you a list of words with each word. Simply name

  • the color in which it's printed ignoring what the word says. Okay? Let's start off. Red,

  • black... >> Green, blue, black, blue, red, green.

  • >> PINKER: Easy. Okay? Now, try it again, same instruction: name the color in which

  • the word is printed.

  • Much, much harder. The explanation is that to a literate adult, reading is automatic.

  • You can't process a written word as a squiggle even if you try to. The meaning always gets

  • through despite your best intentions. And here's a third version of the Stroop Test.

  • I mentioned there were 5,000 papers on it. My favorite comes from a psychologist named

  • Don McCoy at UCLA. And again, the instruction is identical. Just name the color in which

  • the word is printed. Black...

  • People are slowed down on this version of the Stroop Test almost as much as when the

  • word is printed in a competing color. So the essence of swearing is using languages as

  • a kind of weapon to force a listener to think an unpleasant or at least an emotionally charged

  • thought exploiting the automatic nature of speech or printed word recognition. Well,

  • this then breaks down the problem of swearing into two problems: What kinds of concepts

  • trigger negative emotions, and why would a speaker want to trigger a negative emotion

  • in his listeners. Well, let's start with the contents of swearing. Anyone who speaks more

  • than one language knows that taboo words differ from language to language. If you translate

  • the curses of one language into another, the results can often be comical. Nonetheless,

  • there are certain common patterns, certain things that supply the meanings of taboo words

  • across all cultures. There's the supernatural as in our own "damn, hell, and Jesus Christ,"

  • which nowadays are fairly mild taboo words but they are continued to be more potent in

  • religious societies, especially Catholic ones. For example, where I grew up in Quebec, in

  • the version of French spoken there when you stub your toe, you say, "damn chalice" or

  • "damn tabernacle." And this involves the emotions of awe and fear at the supernatural and the

  • trappings of deities. There are bodily effluvia and organs, which are familiar sources of

  • taboo words in English. It's not surprising that people would have an emotional reaction

  • to bodily effluvia because epidemiologists tell us that they are major vectors of disease.

  • There are many parasitic and infectious diseases that are spread by bodily fluids. We have

  • evolved an emotion to defend ourselves against this rude of disease transmission, namely,

  • the emotion of disgust. There are, in many languages, taboo words for disease, death,

  • danger, and infirmity. In older periods of English, we have the curse of "A pox on you!"

  • or "A plague on both your houses!" from Romeo and Juliet. In Yiddish, you can curse by shouting

  • out "Cholerya, Cholera". And even in contemporary English, there's a bit of taboo that surrounds

  • the word for our most dreaded malady "cancer" and when often reads in an obituary of someone

  • passing away from a long illness. Both the passing away and the long illness are ways

  • of--are showed that there's some taboo status to the words "die" and "cancer". And this

  • involves the emotion of dread of death and disease. There is, of course, sexuality as

  • in some of our most obscene taboo words. And when people hear this, their first reaction

  • is: But why should thoughts about sex be associated with negative emotions? Isn't sex between

  • consenting adults, a form of a good, clean fun? Well, not in the full sweep of human

  • experience where sexuality can also be associated with exploitation, illegitimacy, incest, jealousy,

  • spousal abuse, cuckoldry, desertion, child abuse, feuding, rape. Sex is an emotionally

  • fraught activity, and it's not surprising that people should continue to have strong

  • emotions surrounding it which we can call revulsion at sexual depravity. Then there

  • are words for disfavored people in groups, including the most taboo word in contemporary

  • respectable American English, the word so incendiary that you can't even mention it.

  • You have to use a word to refer to the word, that is, the n-word. And the words for minorities,

  • for infidels, for cripples, for enemies, for subordinated peoples are often taboo in English

  • not just--in many languages, I should say. In English, we have not only a "nigger," but

  • also various other racial epithets, and that, of course, invoke the emotions of hatred and

  • contempt. Okay. So, those are the kinds of negative thoughts that people inflict on one

  • another through language. Why would they want to? What is the motive for this kind of verbal

  • aggression? Well, there are at least five ways to swear, probably more, but five ways

  • in which people deploy this weapon. Beginning with dysphemistic swearing, and what does

  • that mean? The difference between say "shit" and "feces" or "fuck" and "copulate". Now,

  • you all know what euphemism is. The logic behind the euphemism is we have to talk about

  • this first for a specific purpose. But let's avoid thinking about how awful it is. The

  • logic is a dysphemism is exactly the opposite. It's, "I want you to think about how awful

  • this is." And the English language gives you the means of doing either. A good illustration

  • is in the 34 euphemisms for feces. Now, people don't like to think about feces anymore than

  • they like to smell it or touch it. Nonetheless, we are incarnate beings for whom feces is

  • a part of life and you can't get through life without at least some occasions in which you're

  • forced to refer to the stuff. The solution is to have a specialized vocabulary, each

  • one of which is specific to the need to discuss feces for a specific purpose in a particular

  • context. So, we got generic terms like waste, fecal mater, and filth; formal terms often

  • from Latin like feces and excrement; terms that you use with children like poop and doo-doo;

  • terms that you use to adults about children like soil and dirt; terms in the medical context

  • like stool and bowel movement. Many terms that you have to use in connection with animals

  • depending on whether you're referring large units like pats; small units like droppings;

  • scientific context like scat; an agricultural context like manure. And in this golden age

  • of recycling, the need has arisen for a term to refer to human feces being recycled as

  • fertilizer. And so far, three euphemisms have appeared: night soil, humanure, and my favorite,

  • human boisolids. So that's why we need euphemism. Indeed, if you were to use the wrong euphemism

  • in a particular context, the results would be rather odd. For example, if at the next

  • doctor's appointment, the nurse came up to you and said, "The medical lab will need a

  • doo-doo sample." You'd be little surprised. As you would be if you bought a gardening

  • magazine and it said, "For nice plump tomatoes, fertilize your plants with cattle bowel movement."

  • But we also need dysphemisms. There are times in life were the point for politeness has

  • passed, and one wants to remind listeners of how disagreeable what is being referred

  • to truly is. For example, you might open your window and yell at some boor, "Will you pick

  • up your dog shit?" Or recount an experience like, "The plumber was working under the sink,

  • and I had to look at the crack in his ass the whole time." Or you can imagine a wife

  • snooping on her husband's email and saying, "So while I've been taking care of the kids,

  • you've been fucking your secretary!" The offense is deliberate and the English language gives

  • us the means of expressing that strong emotion when the need arises. So dysphemistic swearing,

  • there's also abusive swearing were you deliberately use language as a weapon to intimidate or

  • humiliate someone. And there are moments in life when the temptation arises to abuse or

  • intimidate someone. And scholars who have studied Maladicta, swearing curses, imprecations

  • have often commented on how a shear linguistic ingenuity that goes into them. All of the

  • classic poetic devices, metaphor, imagery, connotation, alliteration, meter, rhyme, all

  • of them are put to use in obscene imprecations. For example, you can liken people to effluvia,

  • and their associated organs and accessories is when you talk, refer to someone as a piece

  • of shit and asshole or a dickhead. You can advise them to engage in undignified activities

  • such as to "eat shit, shove it up your ass, or fuck yourself." You can accuse them of

  • having engaged in undignified sexual activities, and every undignified sexual activity has

  • an obscene imprecation. For example, incest as in mother fucker; sodomy as in bugger;

  • fellatio as in cocksucker; masturbation as in jerk and wanker; and my favorite comes

  • from bestiality. And this is a curse that was last used in 1585, but I suggest that

  • it would be revive. And the next time someone cuts you off in traffic, instead of using

  • one of those hackney cliches, I suggest you advise the person to kiss the cunt of a cow,

  • which not only at least bring some fresh imagery to the situation. But I think it has a rather

  • pleasing alliteration. There's idiomatic swearing, which is he mildest form of swearing, such

  • as shit out of luck, get your shit together, piss-poor, pissed off, my ass, a pain in the

  • ass, sweet fuck-all, what the fuck, which, it's actually rather puzzling what those--exactly

  • those words are doing in those--that syntactic context. But clearly what's happening is the

  • words are simply being used for their ability to arouse the interest and shock the listener.

  • Also, it can be used merely to assert a kind of macho or cool pose, or more--in a more

  • friendly manner among peers, to express informality. Just say this is the kind of setting where

  • you don't have to watch what you say. Closely related to idiomatic swearing is emphatic

  • swearing where the taboo word again is used to arouse a listener's attention to call,

  • focus on the following noun. As in this--or adjectives, this is really, really fucking

  • brilliant. He thinks he's a fucking scoutmaster, Rip Van fuckin' winkle. Close the fucking

  • door, and so on. And the overuse of emphatic and idiomatic swearing leads to the form of

  • English sometimes called fuck patois. As in the story of the soldier who said, "I come

  • home to my fucking house after three fucking years in the fucking war, and what do I fucking-well

  • find? My wife in bed, engaged in illicit sexual relations with a male!"

  • Then there's cathartic swearing, the phenomenon were when you cut your thumb together with

  • a bagel or you spill a glass of beer in your lap, the topic of your conversation abruptly

  • switches to theology or sexuality, or excretion. Now, if you ask people why they swear in that

  • way, they'll say it lets off steam, it releases tension, the hydraulic theory of the mind.

  • The problem with this theory is that, it can be no more than a metaphor, because neurobiologist

  • haven't literally found a boiler full of steam in the skull or a set of valves and pipes,

  • just brain cells that fire in patterns. So, more satisfying is the rage-circuit theory

  • that throughout the mammalian class there is a reflex in which an animal, when suddenly

  • injured or confined, engages in a furious struggle accompanied by a sudden angry noise

  • presumably to startle or intimidate an attacker. Any one who has a sat on their pet cat or

  • caught a dog's tail in a door is well familiar with this reflex. In humans, the idea is that

  • this reflex also triggers the language system which has taken over control of our vocal

  • track. So in addition to uttering a yelp, we might articulate the yelp using a word

  • for a strong negative emotion, one that we ordinarily inhibit ourselves from saying.

  • And I think there's a lot to the rage-circuit theory, but has one problem which is the cathartic

  • swearing is conventional. You have to learn what to yell in a particular language when

  • a particular accident befalls you. So in English, for example, if you hit your thumb with a

  • hammer, you don't shout out whore or cunt, although there are lots of languages in which

  • you do. And indeed, the cathartic swear word is specific to the cause of the misfortune.

  • So if someone cuts you off in traffic, you might say asshole, but if you stub your toe,

  • you'd be more likely to say shit or damn, or fuck. So, this leads to the response-cry

  • theory from the great sociologist, Erving Goffman that cathartic swearing is communicative;

  • it is not just an overflow of emotion. It basically informs a real or virtual audience

  • that you are currently in a throws of some very strong emotion, indeed so strong that

  • you can't completely control it, nonetheless, you are signaling exactly what emotion you're

  • feeling. And so it belongs together with other response-cries in the language like aha, mmm,

  • ouch, whoops, wow, yes, and yuck. And therefore it has that communicative function. So to

  • sum-up language as a window into emotion, humans are prone to strong negative emotions.

  • So language tells us awe of the supernatural, disgust at bodily effluvia, dread of disease,

  • hatred of disfavored people and groups, revulsion at depraved sexual acts. Nonetheless, people

  • sometimes want to impose these thoughts on others to gain their attention, to intimidate

  • or humiliate them, to remind them of the awfulness of the objects and activities, or to advertise

  • that one has the normal reactions to misfortunes. Okay. Part three, language as a window into

  • social relations. Again, I'll begin with the puzzle of language, this one comes from the

  • film Fargo, from an early scene in which a kidnaper has a hostage in the backseat of

  • his car, is pulled over by a police officer because he's missing his plates. He's asked

  • to show his driver's license, he hands over his wallet with the driver's license visible

  • and a $50 bill extending ever so slightly and he says to the officer, "I was thinking

  • that maybe the best thing would be to take care of it here in Brainerd." Which of course

  • everyone interprets is a veiled bribe. Now, this is an example of an indirect speech act,

  • a case in which you don't blurt out exactly what you say but you veil it in innuendo expecting

  • your listener to listen between the lines. Another example, "If you could pass the guacamole,

  • that would be awesome." This is a polite request when you think about it, it doesn't make a

  • whole lot of sense. But nonetheless, it is instantly understood as a request. "We're

  • counting on you to show leadership in our Campaign for the Future." Anyone who's been

  • unfortunate enough to sit through a fund raising dinner is familiar with euphemistic snoring

  • like that that is a solicitation for a donation. "Would you like to come up and see my etchings?"

  • This has been recognized as a sexual come on for so long that in 1932, James Thurber

  • could draw a cartoon with a confused young man saying to his date, "You wait here and

  • I'll bring the etchings down." And then, "Nice store you got there. It would be a real shame

  • if something happened to it," is something that we all recognize as veiled threat. So

  • the puzzle is why are bribes, request, seductions, solicitations, and threats so often veiled,

  • when both parties know exactly what they mean? This isn't just an academic puzzle but it

  • has a great deal of practical importance such as in the crafting and interpretation of a

  • language of treaties and diplomacy, and in the prosecution of extortion, bribery, and

  • sexual harassment which are often conveyed by innuendo rather than overtly. The solution

  • turns out to be more complicated than I thought when I tried to explain the phenomenon, and

  • I think there are at least three components to the solution. The logic of plausible deniability,

  • the logic of relationship negotiation, and the logic of mutual knowledge, and I'll explain

  • what I mean by each of those. Let me start with the--with, what the game theorist and

  • noble prize winner, Thomas Schelling called the identification problem. Now, how do you

  • deal with another intelligent agent when you don't know his or her values? Bribing a police

  • officer being a prime example. Imagine that you had two choices, when you're pulled over,

  • either to utter a blatant naked bribe or not to bribe the officer. What will happen? Well,

  • it depends very much on what kind of officer you get. You could get a dishonest officer

  • who might--would accept the bribe, giving you the very high payoff of going free or

  • you might have an honest officer who not only would rebuff the bribe but might arrest you

  • for attempting to bribe an officer in which you'd have a very high cost of an arrest for

  • bribery. So, neither option in this row is--I'm sorry--neither row is appealing. Both of them

  • involve a significant cost. But given this situation, you're better off with a traffic

  • ticket than risking the arrest for bribery. But now imagine you had a third option, namely

  • to issue a veiled bribe through innuendo, like I was wondering if maybe we could take

  • care of it here. Well, if you have a dishonest officer, he could sniff out the bribe in the

  • innuendo and you get a very high payoff of going free from an overt bribe. If you have

  • an honest officer, even if he suspected the bribe he couldn't make it stick in court because

  • of the demand of proving something beyond a reasonable doubt, and so the worst you would

  • get is a traffic ticket. So you get the high payoff of an overt bribe with a relatively

  • small cost of not bribing at all, all combined in one option so the veiled bribe is the rational

  • choice. This is the logic of plausible deniability. But the reason it's not enough is that what

  • about non-legal contexts? It's not as if we spend our lives in legal jeopardy of a particular

  • pre-defined legal penalties or proving something in a court of law. What about when you want

  • to bribe someone in everyday life. Now you might say, "Well, why a law-abiding citizen

  • want to offer a bribe in everyday life?" Well, how about this? You want to go to the hottest

  • restaurant in town. You have no reservation. Why not slip the maitre d' a $20 bill and

  • see if you can be seated immediately in exchange for the 20? Well, this was the assignment

  • given to the food writer, Bruce Feiler by Gourmet Magazine on a dare from the editor,

  • and he had to write up his experiences in doing that. And I found that write-up, as

  • a psychologist, utterly fascinating. First of all, it was marked by extreme anxiety.

  • As far as I know, no one has ever been sent to jail for attempting to bribe a maitre d'.

  • Nonetheless, he begins his article as follows: "I am nervous. Truly nervous. As the taxi

  • bounces through the trendier neighborhoods of Manhattan, I keep imagining the possible

  • retorts of some incensed maitre d': What kind of establishment do you think this is? How

  • dare you insult me? Do you think you can get in with that?" Second, when you did screw

  • up the courage to offer a bribe, he instinctively veiled it in an innuendo. He would say things

  • like: "I hope you can fit us in." Or, "Can you speed up my wait?" Or, "I was wondering

  • if you might have a cancellation." Or, "This is really important night for me." The third

  • interesting finding was the outcome, which is that he was invariably seated in between

  • two and four minutes to the astonishment of his girlfriend. This is something that's worth

  • knowing next time you want to gets in a chic San Francisco restaurant on a Saturday night

  • with no reservations. So what's going on here? Well, here's a general theory that language

  • has to do two things. You have to convey the particular content like a bribe, a command,

  • or a proposition. At the same time, you have to negotiate the kind of relationship you

  • have with the person. The solution is to use language at these two levels. The literal

  • form is consistent with the safest relationship you have with the listener. The speaker then

  • counts on the listener reading between the lines to entertain a proposition that may

  • be incompatible with that relationship. And politeness is a straightforward case. What's

  • going on with "If you could pass the guacamole, that would be awesome." For one thing, you

  • have to admit it's kind of an overstatement. It would literally be inspiring awe. Also,

  • why are you pondering a hypothetical possible worlds right there and then at the dinner

  • table? Well, the listener, amusing that the speaker is not mad, figures that the speaker

  • says an outcome is good; therefore, he must be requesting it. The overall effect is that

  • the intended content mainly the imperative gets through. But crucially without the presumption

  • of dominance, that is, without the impression that you are treating your listener as some

  • kind of underling or flunky. So if dominance is one of the relations that people try to

  • avoid in their speech, what are the other relationships that people are sensitive to?

  • Well, an anthropologist named Alan Fiske has argued that dominance is one of three major

  • types of human relationships that characterize social interaction in all of the world's cultures.

  • Each prescribes a distinct way of distributing resources. Each has a distinct evolutionary

  • basis. And each applies most naturally to certain people but can be extended via language

  • to others. So, there's dominance whose ethos is "don't mess with me," and which must have

  • come from the dominance hierarchies that are ubiquitous among the primates. There's a very

  • different mindset of communality where the ethos is "share and share alike," which is

  • probably the product of kin selection and mutualism, and is naturally applied to kin,

  • spouses, and close friends. And then there's reciprocity. The ethos of "if you scratch

  • my back and I'll scratch yours," the tit for tat trading of goods and services in a business-like

  • manner that follows the loss of reciprocal altruism. Now, critically, people distinguish

  • these kinds of relationships. And a behavior that's acceptable in one relationship type

  • can be anomalous in another. So at a cocktail party, you might go over to your girlfriend's

  • plate and help yourself to a shrimp off her plate. But you wouldn't go up to your boss

  • and help yourself to a shrimp off his plate, because that would be confusing the communality

  • relationship that couples have with the dominance relationship that a supervisor commands. Or

  • at the end of a dinner party, if you were to pull out your wallet and offer to pay your

  • host for the cost of the food, that would not be perceived as polite. That would be

  • perceived as rude. And the reason is that it applies the reciprocity mindset that would

  • be appropriate on a store to a communal friendly gathering where the ethos is communality.

  • Now, when in those situations where relationships are ambiguous, divergent understanding can

  • be costly. That is, we experience an unpleasant emotion. We have a name for it: awkwardness,

  • when the two parties aren't sure of the relationship type. For example, there could be moments

  • of awkwardness in the work place where an employee doesn't know whether he can refer

  • to his boss on a first name basis or invite him after work for a beer. It's well-known

  • that good friends should not engage in a business transaction like one selling his car to the

  • other, that it put a strain on the friendship, because these are reciprocity and communality

  • are diametrically opposed ways of dealing with resources. The conflict between dominance

  • and sex is when a supervisor solicits an employee, defines the battleground for sexual harassment.

  • And the conflict between friendship and sex is what makes dating such a fraught domain

  • in the subject of so many situation comedies. Well, this gives rise to a social identification

  • problem where the social costs of awkwardness from mismatched relationship type can duplicate

  • the payoff matrix of the legal identification problem that is raised by bribing a cop. And

  • bribing a maitre d' is a perfect example where the clash is between the authorities that

  • a maitre d' ordinarily exerts over its fiefdom and the reciprocity that you are raising by

  • the possibility of the bribe. So, once again, your choices are: offer a bribe. If your choice

  • is would just offer a bribe or don't offer a bribe, the results would depend on whether

  • you got a corrupt maitre d' who would accept it and seat you immediately, or a scrupulous

  • maitre d' who would say, "How dare you insult me. What kind of establishment do you think

  • that is?" If you don't offer a bribe, you accept the dominance relationship of the maitre

  • d' and you avoid the awkwardness but you'll just have the long wait for the table. If

  • you offer the bribe, then if you have a corrupt maitre d' who consummates the reciprocity

  • relationship, you get the quick table. When you have the scrupulous ones who continue

  • to maintain dominance when you're suggesting reciprocity, you get that unpleasant emotion

  • called "awkwardness." If you say, "I was hoping there might be a cancellation," on the other

  • hand, the corrupt maitre d' could sense the bribe and you get the high benefit of the

  • quick table. The scrupulous one could choice to ignore it, and the worst that you'd have

  • is the long wait preserving the harmony of relationship type. So this is--I think there's

  • one problem that still remains, even solving the maitre d' problem, which is that people

  • aren't naïve. How do you deal with the problem of meta-knowledge the fact that usually both

  • parties know when an overture has been made by innuendo? Life isn't a court of law. You

  • don't have to prove it beyond a reasonable doubt. And so, any deniability is not in fact

  • all that plausible at all. Why should an obvious indirect overture feel less awkward than an

  • overture that is in so many words and that--and hence is on the record. Now, illustrate that

  • with a scene from the romantic comedy "When Harry Met Sally." Early on the film when the

  • couple has just met, Harry makes a sexual comment and Sally says, "You're coming on

  • to me." And he says, "What do you want me to about it? I take it back. Okay? I take

  • it back." And she says, "You can't take it back." And he says, "Why not?" She says, "Because

  • it's already out there." He says, "Oh, jeez. What are we supposed to do? Call the cops?

  • It's already out there." So the puzzle is what is the status of an overture that is

  • sensed to be "out there" or "on the record" or "once said, can't be unsaid," that makes

  • it so much worse than a veiled overture that's implicated indirectly? Well, there are a number

  • of answers, but I think the most compelling is the concept that logicians and economist

  • sometimes call "mutual knowledge or common knowledge" which must be differentiated from

  • identical individual knowledge. In the individual knowledge: A knows X and B know X. In mutual

  • knowledge: A knows X, B knows X, A knows that B knows X, B knows that A knows X, A knows

  • that B knows that A knows X add in as an item. Now, this is a distinction with a difference

  • that there are qualitative differences between shared identical knowledge and mutual or common

  • knowledge in a technical sense. And a couple of everyday examples are: 1) why do democracy

  • enshrine freedom of assembly as a fundamental right and why are so many political revolutions

  • instigated when a crowd assembles in a public square. Well, before the assembly, everyone

  • may have known that they were disgruntled, but when everyone comes together for that

  • reason, now everyone knows that everyone else knows that everyone is disgruntled. That mutual

  • knowledge can embolden people to challenge the authority relationship and bring down

  • a dictator who would otherwise be able to pick people off one at the time. Likewise,

  • the whole point of the Emperor's New Clothes story depends on the concept of mutual knowledge.

  • With the little voice said the Emperor is naked. He wasn't telling anyone anything they

  • didn't already know, individually. But, he was conveying information nonetheless. Now,

  • everyone knew that everyone else knew and that everyone else knew that they knew, once

  • again that could change the relationship and they could challenge the authority of the

  • Emperor. The moral of this is that language is a very good way of exploding individual

  • knowledge into mutual knowledge. The hypothesis is that innuendoes merely provide individual

  • knowledge where as direct speech provides mutual knowledge and it's mutual knowledge

  • that is a trigger for maintaining or changing a relationship. So, if Harry were to say,

  • "Would you like to come up and see my etchings," Sally knows that she has turned down an overture.

  • Harry knows that she has turned down an overture. But does Sally know that Harry knows? She

  • could think to herself, "Maybe Harry thinks I'm naive." And does Harry know that Sally

  • knows that he knows? Harry might wonder, "Maybe Sally thinks I'm dense." There is no mutual

  • knowledge and they can maintain the fiction of a friendship. Whereas if Harry where to

  • have said, "Would you like to come up and have sex?" Then, Harry knows that Sally knows

  • that Harry knows that Sally knows, they cannot maintain the fiction of a friendship. And

  • I think this is what's behind the intuition that with overt speech, you can't take it

  • back, it's out there. To sum up language as a window into social relationships, people

  • have to convey messages while unsure of their relationship, indirect speech could minimize

  • the risks in legal context with tangible costs like bribes and threats. The same thing could

  • happen in everyday life because relationship mismatches could have an emotional cost. And

  • finally, indirect speech prevents individual knowledge from becoming mutual knowledge and

  • its mutual knowledge that's the basis for a relationship. Okay, we'll now I'm going

  • to begin the end of my talk. In a psychology, one often faces the problem of overcoming

  • people's familiarity with their own mental processes and way of life to nullify the anesthetic

  • of familiarity, to make a familiar seem strange. And one way of doing that is by framing the

  • problem, in terms of being a Martian scientist. How would a Martian biologist arriving on

  • earth with no preconceptions characterize our species? Today's question is how would

  • a Martian linguist describe our species documenting our nature just from the way we use language?

  • Well, I think you could say a lot when it comes to human cognition, the Martian linguist

  • would say that humans have an intuitive theory of the physical world. They locate things

  • in space by identifying places and locating objects in qualitative relationships to them.

  • They construe matter as formless stuff or discrete things which are stretched along

  • one, two or three dimensions. They order and package events in time, relative to their

  • own motion, moment of consciousness, and they explain events by identifying their causes

  • namely an actor that impinges on an entity. Human intuitive physics differs from real

  • physics, but it helps them to reason and agree about aspects of reality relevant to their

  • purposes, their understanding of cause and effect, what they can know, change and will,

  • how they package and quantify their experience and how they assign moral responsibility.

  • People not only have ideas, but they steep them with emotion. They stand in awe of deities.

  • They are terrified by disease, death and infirmity. They are revolted by bodily secretions. They

  • loathe enemies, traitors and subordinate peoples. They take a prurient interest in sexuality

  • in all its variations. Despite having negative reactions to so many thoughts, humans willingly

  • inflict these thoughts on one another; to remind them of the unpleasant nature of certain

  • things, to intimidate or denigrate them, to get their attention, or to advertise their

  • reactions to life's frustrations and setbacks. When it comes to human social life, humans

  • are very, very touchy about their relationships. With some of their fellows typically kin,

  • lovers and friends, humans freely share and do favors. With others, they jockey for dominance.

  • With still others, they trade goods and services on a tit-for-tat basis. People distinguish

  • these relationships sharply. When one person breaches the logic of a relationship with

  • another, they both suffer an emotional cost. Nonetheless humans often risk these breaches,

  • sometimes to get on with the business of life, sometimes to renegotiate their relationship.

  • Finally, humans think a lot about what other humans thinks about them, and their relationship

  • are ratified by this mutual knowledge. They know that others know they know what kind

  • of relationship they share. As a result, to perverse their relationships while transacting

  • the business of their lives, humans often engage in hypocrisy and taboo. And those are

  • some of the ways in which language can serve as a window into human nature. Thank you very

  • much. Thank you. >> Do you guys want to have some questions?

  • Can we have a few minutes for questions? >> PINKER: Any questions? You can, gracefully,

  • yes. >> Hi.

  • >> PINKER: Yes, where are you? There you are. >> I'm over here.

  • >> PINKER: Yes. >> I want to thank you for speaking today.

  • It was awesome. >> PINKER: Thank you.

  • >> I have a question about your description about why swearing has the impact it us, oh,

  • you know, we're disgusted by effluvia. What that doesn't explain is why a person who perfectly

  • understands multiple words for effluvia will find some of them swearing.

  • >> PINKER: Yeah. >> And some of them perfectly an objectionable.

  • Do you have a comment on that? >> PINKER: Yeah, you know, it's a very good,

  • a very pointed question. So, it can't simply be that the word is associated with the referent.

  • In addition, I think there is the taboo words, have the, the--communicative intent, packaged

  • into them that says, I am referring to this with full, with the intention of arouse it

  • in you the emotional reaction that the referent ordinarily arouses. So in addition to the

  • semantics of what in the world it points to, there's this additional communicative of message

  • of here's why I'm doing it in order to offend you. That is absolutely, you're right, that's

  • absolutely crucial to the distinction between a taboo word and its polite euphemism.

  • >> So, congratulations. I think you've just done 90 percent of this swearing that's ever

  • been done in this room in 20 minutes. >> PINKER: I insist, that I don't swear, I

  • talk about swearing. >> Okay.

  • >> PINKER: See, and if you've taken philosophy or recognized the use versus mentioned distinction?

  • >> I'll keep that trick in mind. I'm wondering whether part of your claim is also that these

  • swear words basically span the space of important negative emotions or whether, you know, there

  • are gaps, are there important negative emotions that aren't accounted for by swearing?

  • >> PINKER: I think, in a particular language, they don't span the space, they sample from

  • it. Across the world's languages, I suspect they would span the space that is if--I mean,

  • it's kind a surprising to hear, you know, "cholera" as a taboo word in Yiddish and also

  • in Polish, and what has to look across languages to get the full spectrum. But, there are enough

  • of them that I suspect you would. In a hundred agriculturists, for example, their taboo words

  • for dangerous animals, you can't, you can't mention the name of the word impolite company,

  • the name of the animal, for example. >> Yes, do you have any favorite theories

  • or experiments about either of the following, one is use of swear words to cover for a small

  • vocabulary... >> PINKER: Yeah.

  • >> For pejoratives and exclamations. The second is a dampening effect for if someone who subjected

  • to a lot of curse words in a recent past, the next one doesn't have as much of an emotional

  • effect on them. >> PINKER: Yeah. That's certainly true, and

  • I think especially emphatic swearing and idiomatic swearing can often be used to make up for

  • a, otherwise, limited linguistic resources because the challenge of a speaker is to retain

  • the listeners' attention of why should I listen to you as opposed to all the other people

  • that they could listen to. And a cheap way of doing that is to exploit this little buzz

  • that a taboo word arouses and just like other ways of trying to keep listeners listening

  • to you as opposed to all the other people that they could be listening to you can rely

  • on that. I think that it's not enough just to hear the swear words, I think that they

  • have to be heard in a context in which one knows that they're not being used in an aggressive

  • or taboo-breaking fashion. So one of them could be the use of taboo words in these idioms

  • which clearly in [INDISTINCT] of soldiers and athletes and Australians and teenagers.

  • They lose some of their stimulant and you could see that happening over time. In Mainstream

  • English its happened too "bloody and damn" both of which were Taboo in the first half

  • of 20th Century as in when Rhett Butler said, "Frankly, my dear, I don't give a damn," and

  • it was considered shocking at a time. In Australia, New Zealand, "bugger" is a perfectly acceptable

  • word, so that can happen and also of course there's the phenomenon of the targets of taboo

  • epithets appropriating the word in affectionate conversation among themselves therefore nullifying

  • it as in the affectionate use of nigger among African-Americans or [INDISTINCT] dyke, bitch

  • and so on. That's another way in which they can be defanged.

  • >> So mainly thinking of something else, there is the opposite effect of euphemistic decay

  • whether euphemism has become proxies to the other things. Like, playground language dot

  • and going people special because that's a... >> PINKER: Yes.

  • >> That now means retarded. >> PINKER: Yes, I call that the euphemism

  • treadmill. >> Right.

  • >> PINKER: Where when the referent continues to be emotionally charged, the euphemism will

  • cease to become a euphemism and will in turn become offensive. So, yeah, you're right.

  • A complete answer would say that it doesn't always work and sometimes the referent can

  • just taint any word that is used in connection with it even a new one.

  • >> So what I was actually going to ask about was one of the things that's very popular

  • at the moment in the computing world is what we call social software or social networks

  • but we're tying to construct models for people to communicate with each other and it strikes

  • me that from what you said about representing human relations, we're making a mess of it

  • by just calling one friend or, you know, not expressing the nuances here. Are we not losing

  • here or do you think we could express these euphemistic things in terms that we can understand.

  • >> PINKER: It might be possible because there is the--of this three relationships, an enormous

  • amount of cultural--a number of cultural practices in social life comes in to a kind of mind

  • manipulation to try to force or seduce people to accept one or another of these relationship

  • types. So for example, the use of kinship terms, like, you know, sisterhood is powerful,

  • brother can you spare a dime is one way of getting a stranger into the mindset of communality.

  • Wearing--signs of dominants, the, you know, the headdresses and epaulettes and shoulder

  • pads, I think I have some shoulder pads here are ways of conveying a smidgeon of dominance

  • in a relationship that otherwise would be a egalitarian and there are numerous techniques

  • some verbal, some almost have to be non-verbal in order to be effective where we try to manipulate

  • people to accept one or the other. So they are--I think we've got these three switch

  • settings in our brain, but what triggers them can be as often a subject of benign and sometimes

  • not so benign manipulation, so it could be possible. Yeah.

  • >> So I think there are a lot of common instances where the words decay, you started talking

  • about how a word had a very strong potent effect at some point in over time it lost

  • that, are there many examples of the opposite when a common word becomes, you know, tainted

  • and attracts that. I was told, you know, once that, you know, the words like shit where

  • just sort of everyday, Anglo-Saxon words and that they acquired that power.

  • >> PINKER: Yes, that's exactly right. And one reads in sources before more or less before

  • the reformation I think that might be a dividing line where which marked the transition from

  • religious to sexual and scatological wearing in Protestant but not in Catholic countries

  • were it was routine religious wearing but it may have been then that words as you note

  • shit and fuck and cunt were actually unexceptionable words in English and they took on a taboo

  • status. Something like that in more recent times is what happened to the word nigger

  • over the last little while which is why you can get library wars surrounding Huckleberry

  • Finn where the casual use of nigger in Huckleberry Finn, it certainly wasn't a respectful term

  • but it didn't have that same aura of racism and contempt that it has now and nigger probably

  • are our most taboo word might be an example of that. I think it might be true of other

  • term seemed to be kind of misogynistic and where we have--increased activity as in Don

  • Imus using the word "ho" out of context where it caused him his job because of our heightened

  • sensitivities to racial and gender bias. So you can almost see a transition where originally

  • people really were worried about God and hell than they were worried about sexuality and

  • excretion, now they're worried about sexism and racism.

  • >> Yeah, there seemed to be sort of power relationships, I was wondering if there's

  • sort of more ordinary and a more ordinary example?

  • >> PINKER: Well, I think some of them are--I don't know if they are power so much as say,

  • imposed by those in power to retain power so much as...

  • >> Dominance, yeah. Yeah, dominance. >> PINKER: It could be dominants but I think

  • it's also just what people are kind of edgy about and that creates the opening I think

  • for using certain words to get a rise out of people, so I suspect I don't know. I haven't

  • really thought about but I suspect it's more of a kind of what's in the air than the authorities

  • kind of imposing it from the top down, it would be my hunch.

  • >> You spoke a lot about the connection between swear words and negative emotions, I wonder

  • also about the connection between swear words and humor, or swear words and laughter, you

  • may have noticed that it caused a lot of laughter in this room when you mentioned a lot of those

  • words. It's also something that you hear a lot maybe in a comedy show just to kind of

  • invoke that laughter, I wonder if you have any comments on that.

  • >> PINKER: That's right. It is also talking about lazy ways of getting a laugh out of

  • people often taboo words can do that. I think it's probably because--by the way, just an

  • aside is that laughter is also a very good way of generating mutual knowledge and I would

  • argue that the evolutionary function of laughter is to generate mutual knowledge. It's involuntary.

  • It's conspicuous. It's more common in social settings than in isolation. It's contagious

  • and so on. But why--why do you laugh in public? In particular what's the common denominator

  • with swearing? I think it's the reduction of dignity just about all humor involve some

  • kind of reduction in dignity. You either take someone down a few pegs, making him the butt

  • of a joke or to maintain communality and negate dominance among friends. You tease your friends

  • or deprecate yourself but descent and dignity is, I think, the common denominator in human--in

  • humor I'm sorry--and the undignified nature of what you refer to in swearing is, I mean,

  • an ingredient of taboo language. >> I came in a little late so I apologize

  • if you've already addressed this in the beginning, but I was wondering if you could speak to

  • the tone in which language is delivered and not necessarily just the word selection. So

  • something as innocuous says, "What are you doing?" "Hey, what are you doing?" "What are

  • you doing?" "Hey, what are you doing?" Like... >> PINKER: Yeah.

  • >> For example. >> PINKER: Yes, well that's the porosity which

  • often can be used both for emphasis, for stressing a particular part of your utterance which

  • the listener ought to attend too often in contrast with some implied set of alternatives

  • is a very powerful rhetorical tool and superimposed on that is the elocutionary force of an utterance,

  • question versus statement versus command. And a third dimension on top of those two

  • is emotion: anger, sarcasms, irony and so on. That's one of the reasons why written

  • language can so easily be misunderstood if you don't have those intonational cues, why

  • we have crude approximations like italics and exclamation points but it really is an

  • essential ingredient to linguistic communication. And of course put to grammatical uses in languages

  • like Chinese in which tone is used as a way of contrasting vowels. In connection to today's

  • talk I suspect that tone of voice is one of the ways in which you learn which words are

  • taboo as a child namely if some epithet is being uttered in an angry and contemptuous

  • tone of voice that it is more likely to be registered as a taboo imprecation. Likewise,

  • in cathartic swearing, how do you know which of the taboo words that you utter when you

  • stub your tone and so on? Well, it's the--I think accompaniment of the word and emotional

  • tone of voice that register that association in the brain.

  • >> And I would just like to say thank you very much for coming.

  • >> PINKER: Thanks for having me here today. Thank you very much. Thank you.

>> MERRILL: I'm Douglas Merrill. I'm a VP of Engineering here at Google, and as side

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著者@Googleです。スティーブン・ピンカー (Authors@Google: Steven Pinker)

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