字幕表 動画を再生する
Globalization is a fact. A lot of globalization is
because of technological improvements that
enable it; some is because of policy choices.
Unbalanced globalization is good for the working class,
but it comes with really big downsides and
we need to do a better job of dealing with those downsides.
It's really important to understand that
you know, our globalization problem isn't because
other countries are unfair to us. So if your goal is
to make other countries more fair to us, that's
going to do very little to solve the problem.
The bulk of what we need to do manage globalization
better isn't in the international arena at all.
It's in our domestic policies, and what we do to
help educate and train our workers to succeed,
what we do to help our workers be more mobile
from place to place in the economy, and to let
our businesses have the infrastructure to take
advantage of those global opportunities.
Most important is what we can do to equip people
to succeed in a world with globalization, a world
with artificial intelligence, changing technology.
If you look just at training right now we
spend 0.2% of GDP in the United
States on training (labor-market programs). That's the lowest of any of
the advanced economies in the oecd. So I think
that's something that we actually just need to
invest more in. Now we also need to be smart about
those investments. Training programs have a mixed record.
Mixed means that
some have been bad, some of have been good, and we need
to understand better what makes them
good. Community colleges is one where the
evidence is overwhelmingly strong for it.
That's something where we've made very little
federal investment in the past.
A lot of it depends on the person's age. If the person is
30, 35 -- there is training that can help. But you
know, a lot of what we can do is invest also in
their children, and their jobs, and their economic
future. And there is a huge amount we can do.
By the time you're 55 or 60, we need to have
a more honest conversation and say, you know what,
if you used to have a job making $70,000, and the best
you can do now is $40,000, we're not gonna spend
$15,000 training you and get nothing out of
it. We'll just give you $15,000 in cash. You'll
get it every year for the next couple of years.
And it's sometimes called wage insurance and
that eases some of the transition helps keep
people in the workforce.
The unemployment rate being below four percent
shows that we're in a great place in the
business cycle. We have really strong demand.
The fact, though, that 12 percent of men between the
age of 25 and 54 aren't working and aren't trying
to find a job -- that's a really big problem.
That's a problem that has been decades in the making.
It wasn't caused by the recession, although it was
exacerbated by the recession, and it's not a
problem that we could solve with monetary or
fiscal policy. It's something we need to make
bigger economic changes
to deal with. So I would increase demand for
those workers by, for example, investing in
infrastructure. I would make it easier to find a
job by doing things like reforming the
unemployment insurance program to make it much
more of a job placement or even apprenticeship
program, that puts people into jobs. And
education and training -- it's not gonna work for
everyone, but it's gonna help for a lot.
I think those are three steps that we could take.
When it comes to women, all those steps would help
but it would also be very helpful if the
United States moved more in line with the rest of the world
in terms of subsidies for child care, paid leave,
more flexible workplaces, to enable more women, especially, to work.
I think the United States is
really good at flexibility in labor markets. We're
really bad at security in labor markets. And the
places that have been most successful, like the
Nordic countries, have combined the two of
those. If people had more security they would
feel free to take a little bit more of a risk --
they'd be a little bit less worried about the
downside of globalization
And we could make our labor markets function better.
I tend to be a little bit "small-c" conservative
that if they're making too big a change, it makes
me nervous. Universal basic income would require
nearly doubling income taxes in this country.
I think it's based on the premise that there
won't be jobs for people. I think our premise
should be that there will be jobs for people.
The one big idea that I do have some sympathy for, and
it might be worth thinking more about, would
be a larger-scale system of wage subsidies that
if you don't make
as much at your job, the government would pay [you].
Extra would show up in your paycheck and it would
both reward work and encourage it.
There's a whole group of people who think that
something really different is happening and that
we're in some brand new space of innovation -- there will
be robots that come and take everyone's jobs.
I just don't see that in history, as new
technologies come they destroy jobs and they
create jobs, and I don't see that in the data
because, in fact, productivity growth is lower now
than it used to be. Which is to say there are
fewer machines taking humans' jobs rather than
more. So I don't think we're in some brand new era of
change but what I do think we are in an era of
change, just like we were in 10 years ago, just like
we were in 20 years ago, just like we were in 30 years ago.
And 10, 20, and 30 years ago, I don't think we
did everything we could to handle that change
as well as possible.