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  • Way back in 1887, a journalist named Elizabeth Cochran assumed the alias Nellie Bly and feigned

  • a mental illness to report on the truly awful conditions inside psychiatric hospitals in

  • the US, which were known as asylums at the time. She found rotten food, cold showers,

  • prevalent rats, abusive nurses, and patients being tied down in her famous expose "Ten

  • Days in a Mad House". What she documented had been pretty standard mental health treatment

  • for centuries, but her work led the charge in mental health reform.

  • It's been a long battle.

  • Nearly a century later in 1975, American psychologist David Rosenhan published a paper called "On

  • Being Sane in Insane Places" detailing the experiment that he conducted on psychiatric

  • institutions themselves. The first part of his experiment involved sending pseudopatients

  • - a group of eight totally mentally sound associates, including David himself - to knock

  • on institution doors and falsely report that they'd been hearing voices. Once admitted,

  • the fake patients abandoned their fake symptoms and behaved as they normally did, waiting

  • for administrators to recognize them as mentally healthy.

  • Like Cochran, Rosenhan and his team learned that it's easy to get into a mental institution,

  • but it is much, much harder to get out. The participants were kept in the institution

  • for an average of 19 days, one of them for 52 days. They were forced to take psychotropic

  • medication (which they sneakily spit out) and were eventually discharged with a diagnosis

  • of paranoid schizophrenia in remission. Of course, being dubbed in remission isn't exactly

  • the same thing as being labeled sane, and that was just one of Rosenhan's criticisms

  • of the system. It viewed mental illness as an irreversible condition, almost like a personality

  • trait, rather than a curable illness.

  • Part two of his experiment came later when Rosenhan shared his results with a teaching

  • hospital and then told the staff that he'd be sending more pseudopatients their way in

  • the next few months, and challenged them to detect the imposters. With that in mind, out

  • of 193 new patients, 41 were ferreted out as likely or suspected pseudopatients. The

  • thing is, Rosenhan never actually sent in any pseudopatients. In the end Rosenhan concluded

  • that the way people were being diagnosed with psychiatric issues often revealed less about

  • the patients themselves and more about their situation. Like, saying you've heard voices

  • one time might catch a doctors attention a lot more than weeks of normal behavior.

  • Naturally people criticized his methods and his findings, but his experiment raised a

  • lot of important questions like: How do we define, diagnose, and classify mental disorders?

  • At what point does sad become depressed? Or quirky become obsessive compulsive? Or energetic

  • become hyperactive? What are the risks and benefits of diagnostic labeling, and how does

  • the field keep evolving?

  • When people think of psychology they probably most often think about the conditions that

  • it's been designed to understand, diagnose, and treat - namely psychological disorders.

  • From common problems that most of us will experience at some point in our lives to the

  • more serious dysfunctions that require intensive care. They're a big part of what psychology

  • is here for and over the next several lessons we're going to be looking at mental illness,

  • as well as wellness. How symptoms are diagnosed and what biological and environmental causes

  • may be at work. But, to grasp those ideas, we first have to find out how we came to understand

  • the idea of mental health itself and build a science around studying, discussing, and

  • caring for it.

  • In 2010, the World Health Organization reported that about 450 million people worldwide suffer

  • from some kind of mental or behavioral disorder. No society is immune from them, but when I

  • say psychological disorder I'm guessing some of you will conjure up all sorts of dramatic

  • images like diabolical criminals from Arkham Asylum or Hollywood stereotypes of various

  • eccentric, scary, or tragic figures. This roll call of one-sided stock images is part

  • of the problem our culture faces - the misconceptions and often destructive stigma associated with

  • psychological disorders.

  • So, what does that term actually mean?

  • Mental health clinicians think of psychological disorders as deviant, distressful, and dysfunctional

  • patterns of thoughts, feelings, or behaviors. And yeah, there are a lot of sensitive and

  • loaded words in there, so let's talk about what we mean, starting with deviant.

  • Sounds like I'm talking about doing things that are dicey or raunchy, but in this context

  • it's used to describe thoughts and behavior that are different from most of the rest of

  • your cultural context. Of course, being different is usually wonderful. Geniuses and Olympians

  • and visionaries are all deviants from the norm so it probably goes without saying that

  • the standards for so-called deviant behavior change a lot across cultures and in different

  • situations. For example, in a combat situation killing people is probably to be expected,

  • but murder is definitely deviant criminal behavior back home in times of peace. And

  • in some contexts speaking to spirits or ancestors is A-OK, but in other settings say a bar in

  • Iowa City at happy hour it might not be quite acceptable.

  • But, to be classified as a disorder, that deviant behavior needs to cause that person

  • or others around them distress, which just means a subjective feeling that something

  • is really wrong. In turn, distress can lead to truly harmful dysfunction - when a person's

  • ability to work and live is clearly, often measurably, impaired.

  • So that's today's definition but it took a long time for the Western world to come up

  • with a way of thinking about psychological disorders that was rooted in science and investigative

  • inquiry. It wasn't until around the 18th and 19th centuries that we really started to put

  • forth the notion that mental health issues might be about a sickness in the mind. For

  • example, by the 1800s doctors finally caught on to the fact that advanced syphilis could

  • manifest in serious neurological problems like dementia, and irritability, and various

  • mental disorders. So eventually a lot of so-called mental patients were removed from asylums

  • to full medical hospitals where all of their symptoms could be treated.

  • This "a-ha" moment is just one instance of how perspectives on mental health began to

  • shift towards what is called the Medical Model of Psychological Disorder. The Medical Model

  • champions the notion that psychological disorders have physiological causes that can be diagnosed

  • on the basis of symptoms, and treated, and sometimes even cured. That way of thinking

  • about mental health was an important step forward, at least at first. It took us past

  • the old days of simply locking people up when they didn't seem quite right to others.

  • But even if it was an improvement, the medical model was seen by some in the field as kind

  • of narrow and outdated. Most contemporary psychologists prefer to view mental health

  • more comprehensively through what is called the Biopsychological Approach. You've heard

  • us say over and over again that everything psychological is simultaneously biological

  • and that truism is particularly useful here. The Biopsychological view takes that holistic

  • perspective, accounting for a whole number of things clearly physiological and not in

  • order to understand what's happening to us, what might be going wrong, and how it can

  • be treated.

  • It takes into account psychological influences for sure like stress and trauma and memories,

  • but also biological factors like genetics and brain chemistry, and social-cultural influences

  • like all the expectations wrapped up in how a culture defines normal behavior. So by considering

  • the whole host of nature and nurture influences, we can take a broader view of mental health,

  • realizing that some disorders can be cured while others can be coped with, and still

  • others may end up not being disorders at all once our culture accepts them.

  • But another important part of handling disorders with scientific rigor is attempting to standardize

  • and measure them. How we talk about them, how we diagnose them, and how we treat them.

  • So the field has literally come up with a manual that shows you how to do that. But

  • it is not without it's flaws. It's called the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic

  • and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders; or, DSM-5 because it's currently in its fifth

  • edition. And it is used by practically everybody: clinicians obviously, but also by insurance

  • and drug companies, and policy makers, and the whole legal system.

  • The first edition came out in 1952, and this newest version was released in 2013. What's

  • particularly interesting about it is that it's designed to be a work in progress...

  • forever. Each new edition incorporates changes based on the latest research but also how

  • our understanding of mental health and behavior evolves over time. For example, believe it

  • or not the first two editions actually classified homosexuality as a pathology, basically a

  • disease. The 1973 third edition eliminated that designation, reflecting changing attitudes

  • and a developing understanding of sexual orientation. And just by looking at the changes between

  • the edition used today and the previous version released in the year 2000, you can get a picture

  • not only of how quickly things change but also how classification can affect diagnosis

  • - for better or worse - and also what the risks are of classifying psychological disorders

  • in the first place.

  • For instance, the new edition reflects our growing understanding of the symptoms of Post

  • Traumatic Stress Disorder, and it changed the name of Childhood Bipolar Disorder to

  • Disruptive Mood Dysregulation Disorder because kids were being over-diagnosed and over-treated

  • for bipolar disorder when the condition that they had didn't actually fit that description.

  • And totally new diagnoses are being explored as well, like Gambling Addiction and what's

  • called Internet Gaming Disorder, showing that new disorders continue to arise with changing times.

  • But the DSM is not perfect, even though we've come a long way since the Rosenhan experiment,

  • critics still worry about how the DSM might inadvertently promote the over- or mis-diagnosis

  • and treatment of certain behaviors. Others echo Rosenhan's concerns that by slapping

  • patients with labels we're making them vulnerable to judgments and preconceptions that'll affect

  • how others will perceive and treat them.

  • In the end, it's just important to keep in mind that definitions are powerful and things

  • can get tricky pretty fast in the world of mental health.

  • Today you learned about how we define psychological disorders, and looked at medical and biopsychological

  • perspectives on mental illness. We talked about how professionals use the DSM to diagnose

  • disorders and how it's constantly evolving to incorporate new thinking. Thanks for watching,

  • especially to all of you who are Subbable subscribers who make Crash Course possible.

  • To find out how you can become a supporter, just go to subbable.com.

  • This episode was written by Kathleen Yale, edited by Blake de Pastino, and our consultant

  • is Dr. Ranjit Bhagwat. Our director and editor is Nicholas Jenkins, the script supervisor

  • is Michael Aranda, who is also our sound designer. And the graphics team is Thought Cafe.

Way back in 1887, a journalist named Elizabeth Cochran assumed the alias Nellie Bly and feigned

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精神的な障害。クラッシュコース心理学#28 (Psychological Disorders: Crash Course Psychology #28)

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    Pei-Yi Lin に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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