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ANNOUNCER: The following is a presentation of the ILR
School at Cornell University.
ILR, advancing the world of work.
LOUIS HYMAN: Income inequality is
one of the most pressing questions of our age.
And yet the institutions we have to fight that inequality
are failing all around us.
So says Andy Stern, author of Raising the Floor
and former president of the SEIU.
Having spent a lifetime in the union movement,
he came to believe that in fact unions could not provide
the middle-class life that they had in the postwar and that we
needed to move in the direction of a new policy--
the idea of the basic income.
Tonight, Andy will be talking with Steven Berkenfeld,
chairman of the Sierra Club and a managing
director of Barclays, about what kinds of opportunities
there are to reconfigure the rules of the game
to create a new kind of welfare state
for the 21st century that supports entrepreneurs
as much as anyone else.
This is the first in a series of talks
here at the Institute for Workplace Studies in New York
City, where we are researching the future of work,
understanding how new technologies and new business
models are transforming the economy around us today.
And now, Andy Stern and Steven Berkenfeld.
ANDY STERN: --the private sector,
when I was born, to 1 in 16 today,
I could not watch American workers keep working harder
and harder and not get a raise.
And my job as the leader of the nation's largest union
was to do something about it.
And it just didn't seem like working harder
was actually going to solve the problem.
And so I left to try to figure out,
you know, what does someone like me
who's committed his life to changing other people's life
do when everything you knew and everything you tried
was becoming more marginal, in terms of its impact?
And I began this journey.
And I spoke to lots of different people.
My most interesting discussion, other than Steven,
that really got me thinking-- because my original purpose
of talking to everybody was that only in Columbia University--
maybe Cornell, they can say this, too-- but all
the professorships in the business school
that are endowed, and they had a vacancy,
and they wanted to know how to fill it.
And the idea was, there must be something
around labor-market policy that we
could do that no other university was doing.
And they sent me out on this journey.
And I started by visiting a guy named Andy Grove.
Many of you know Andy Grove was the founder of Intel,
the creator of the chip.
And I met him, interestingly enough,
in this office that probably looked
like it had a single real-estate agent or accountant.
You know, I expect to see Andy Grove surrounded
by all his little minions, in a beautiful office,
in an executive suite in Intel.
And here he was in his little office.
And the name in the office was SARUS--
S-A-R-U-S. And my first question was, you know, Mr. Grove,
what is SARUS, thinking it must be some huge think tank or new
secret project.
And he said, oh--
Strategic Advisors R Us.
So I had to give myself a name, so I called it SARUS.
And we spent the time talking about his view of the future.
And he wrote this book called Only the Paranoid Survive.
And it basically was, what do you
do when you hit what he called a "strategic inflection point"?
And he wrote about a strategic inflexion point.
It's basically a turning point, a dramatic turning point,
for whether a company or a country.
He talked about how they appear slowly.
They only sometimes are viewed clearly in retrospect,
and denial is the first reaction.
And I would argue that's where we
are in America about the future of work, which I'll talk about
in a second.
And Andy Grove talked about how, when
he was the founder of Intel, he was with Gordon Moore.
The two of them were really the people that built the company.
And they were sitting around, because all
of a sudden the business they had built
was not working, because the Japanese were developing
a very different kind of chip.
And they didn't have the courage--
they thought they didn't have the courage-- to really go back
to the board of directors and say,
we really are not in the right business.
We really have to change things.
And so they were sitting around.
And Gordon says to Andy, well, what
do you think the-- they're going to fire us.
I mean, they should fire us.
We're about to lose money.
We don't have a new product.
What are new guys going to do?
They said, they're going to scrap everything we're doing,
and they're going to put all their money into the new chip
that they knew had a huge potential.
And Andy Grove said, well, why don't we just do that?
And they did, and they rebuilt the country,
and he wrote a book, Only the Paranoid Survive.
And, somewhat, that should be the wish of America,
that maybe we could be a little more paranoid.
We might do a little better surviving.
But, along the way, I learned a lot of things
about today's job market, which is where I want to start.
So, if you ask most Americans economically
what they think about the economy
and what they would name the country, the USA,
they would say it's the United States of Anxiety.
Because people are extraordinarily anxious
and scared about the future.
Our election, I think, has indications
that reinforce that.
But 21% of Americans-- only 21%, at a time when the unemployment
rate is close to lower than 5%, lower than 4%, where the stock
market is up-- only 21% of Americans
say the economy is either excellent or very good.
47% of Americans, think about this,
don't have $400 in case of an emergency.
So that's, one out of two people in America don't have $400.
If they have an insurance bill, they get hurt,
their heater breaks down, they don't have the money
to fix their own house.
We now know that 50%, 7%, of Americans
don't think the American dream, which is, their children will
do better than they do.
So you can understand why people are anxious.
23% of low-skilled men in this country
have been unemployed for 12 months.
We have the lowest labor-force participation
in American history.
There are more men on disability than working
in manufacturing, today.
And Larry Summers will tell you that, one generation from now,
one quarter of all men 25 to 54 will
be unemployed at any one time.
So, if you have no hope for the future,
if you haven't gotten a raise for 20 years,
if all of a sudden you're seeing a world around you
completely change, it's no wonder that people are anxious.
And the way that it sort of plays out economically--
for the economists, like the dean, in the room,
we've got to throw in some facts, here--
is, if you look at the 20th-century economy,
the market economy, people talked about four things
and used one word.
They talked about productivity increase,
wage increase, job increase, and they called it "growth."
So when a politician said "The economy is growing,"
what they really meant is the economy is being more
productive, the economy is creating jobs,
and the economy is creating wages.
And it was great, because all politicians had to say was,
let's just grow the economy and life will be good.
And it was.
And then, all of a sudden, things changed.
And you can see the blue and that light silver line
are GDP growth and productivity growth.
So they-- I don't think I have a laser pointer, here.
But the two top lines, they keep growing.
But all of a sudden, wages--
which we now know, after 20 years,
only looking back because of denial,
that American workers haven't gotten a raise, now,
for 20 years--
we admit to that fact very late but acknowledge that it's true.
We won't admit yet to the fact that job growth
has fallen off the growth and productivity train.
So now in America you can have economic growth, GDP growth,
you can have productivity growth,
and no job growth or no wage growth.
That is the 21st-century economy.
Every single new job created since 2007
has been in what we would call "alternative employment."
The 40 hour a week employer-managed job of myself,
my father, my grandfather, the people in our union,
is not way the future of work is going.
And here's the other sad fact of what's happened since 2009.
So the red lines, the middle line is middle-class jobs,
midwage occupations.
And on the left-hand side of the chart are the jobs
we lost when the crash occurred.
So we lost a lot of jobs in the recession, in the middle class,
a certain amount in the lower, and a certain amount
in the higher.
But look what happens after the recovery occurred.
The economy stops really producing or replacing
the middle-class jobs it was losing
and now begins to start the process of replacing
middle- and high-wage jobs with low-wage jobs.
That trend has now continued.
80% of all the new jobs created are low-wage jobs, in America.
Middle class is being hollowed out.
Lots of people are now writing about it.
Another kind of fact that we want to believe
is just a moment in history.
But, as those charts before said, it's true.
The second thing we now know-- and you're
going to speak about it next week,
and I won't talk about it too much, because Sarah
and the Upwork people know a lot more than I do.
But the point is, the jobs that are being created
are in alternative employment, contingent,
part-time-gig economy, staffing companies, et cetera.
Average worker's tenure in job is 4.4 years.
My son's going to have 9 to 12 jobs, like most kids his age,
by the time he's 35.
I had one by the time I was 35.
I had one, basically, by the time I retired.
And now we see 10 to 42 percent of million people
work outside the traditional 9-to-5 model.
30% of the people in the workforce
work in some kind of freelance, independent contractor.
And Carl Camden, the CEO of Kelly, says it'll go to 50%.
So that's a really a different economy
than my father, my grandfather, and my economy.
And that's the economy of our kids and our grandkids.
So, when we begin to think about the future,
we have to take into account, what is the current event
and not have a mythology that we're still
living in the 1950s and 1960s, when
a rising tide of economic growth raised all boats, as opposed
to now where it's only raising the luxury liner
and the rest of the boats are either sinking
or in pretty rocky waters, as far as that's concerned.
So that would be an interesting observation
about where we are today.
And lots of people have different ideas
of what we want to do.
We heard the debate last night.
People have their own ideas.
Here's the thing that kind of drove me
into my thought process--
generated a lot by Steven's conversation, which
you can read about in my book.
So now there is reputable research--
reputable research, by the same people that
advise companies and countries.
So let's start with McKinsey.
Let's start with the McKinsey Global Institute,
one of the most reputable research institutions
in the world, who says that 45% of all tasks
done by workers today can be computerized, right now,
13% more with artificial intelligence.
Oxford University.
47%--
[VIDEO PLAYBACK]
- So, according to--
[END PLAYBACK]
ANDY STERN: Whoops.
I've got to get past there.
Oxford, 40% of jobs, not tasks--
47% of jobs are at risk.
Pew asked 1,900 experts, not a small sample, and the reaction
they got was--
the question was, will networked,
automated artificial intelligence--
to place more jobs than they've created by 2025?
Half of them envision that future,
where robots have displaced significant numbers of people
and software.
But, interestingly enough, many expressed
concern that not only is it going
to lead to vast increases in economic inequality,
but masses of people who are effectively
unemployable pliable and breakdowns in the social order.
Now, that's something like a revolutionary thing a union
leader would say, not the Pew Research Center
would be saying.
Deloitte says 25% of all jobs in Europe will be lost.
And the numbers go on and on.
I talk to you about what Larry Summers said.
The hardest thing, he said, in the 21st century,
going forward, is not creating growth
but producing jobs in the economy.
And so, all of a sudden, we have this reputable research,
by people who companies rely upon every day
about the future.
We have people like Steven Berkenfeld, who
every day or every week gets pitched new ideas, with one
key component of the new idea--
how do we have less people--
how do we invest more capital to have less people work for us?
The goal of capitalism now is economic growth
without job growth.
And technology, software first, which allowed for globalization
to exist--
because all that just-in-time logistics
and sending jobs from Upwork overseas
is all a result of software.
All the automated warehouses you see,
they're not yet robotics, but a lot of software.
Just-in-time inventory is just a lot of software.
And Steven talks about, interestingly, about how Y2K--
and if you all remember the big hubbub around Y2K,
everybody had consultants, and they
were backing up their computers, because everything
was going to crash.
Up until that time, companies were
keeping really two sets of books--
the computer books, and the paper books.
And when nothing crashed, we began a massive conversion
to software.
Because, all of a sudden, people didn't believe
we needed the backup system, because the system had passed
its test and was now reliable.
And technology then began to increase.
So we have a different economy, in terms of how growth
results in affecting people.
We have a different way that people are working,
and will continue to work.
And now we have all this reputable research
that says the future is far more troubling.
So think about the economy today.
The largest media company in the world is Facebook.
It doesn't produce any content.
The largest hospitality company in the world is Airbnb.
It has no rooms.
The largest transportation company in the world is Uber.
It doesn't own a car.
The largest retailers in the world
are Amazon and Alibaba-- own no inventory.
That's today's economy-- that more people are watching
this speech sitting at home than being here,
it's just all part of an evolution that's going on.
And where it ends, no one really quite knows,
but there's lots of interesting predictions.
But we begin to see all the little telltale signs
and think, it's a lot faster than we ever anticipated.
So, first of all, we had Watson.
If you remember, he beat the chess champion,
and then he beat the Jeopardy champion.
And that was-- people would say, tell me--
oh, that's easy, because it's called "pattern matching."
You feed all this data into a computer,
the computer does all this pattern matching.
And then we got to go, which is, Lee Sedol is
the Go champion of the world.
There are more Go moves than there
are atoms in the universe.
There is no book on how to teach people
how to play anything other than the basic Go,
because it's so complicated, because there's
so many variations.
And no one predicted that, until 2029, would anybody be
able to beat the Go champion.
Watson beat the Go champion.
He beat him last year.
The Turing test, which was a test that was set up to see,
could a machine trick a person-- named after Alan Turing,
if you saw the movie--
that wasn't supposed to be passed till 2025.
Last year, a machine pretending they were a 14-year-old kid
tricked the judges and won the Turing prize.
If Watson, what they were doing in Go, didn't interest you,
you should know that Watson is up at Memorial Sloan
Kettering, one of the best cancer hospitals in the world.
It is competing against the lung-cancer diagnosticians
to see who can be more accurate in diagnosing lung cancer.
Watson is creaming the doctors.
Because you have to download, you
have to read 3,000 medical articles a week
to keep up with everything that's being published.
Watson reads all 3,000.
How many of your doctors read 300, or 30, or 10?
Robotic surgery, robotic anesthesiology.
All these things are in deployment somewhere else.
But what is getting people's attention right now,
besides Chipotle doing drone delivery at Virginia Tech--
if you happen to be at a different school,
you've got to get your Cornell Tech
people to begin to do drone delivery,
to test how we can deliver food to the students.
But that's what they're doing in Virginia Tech.
Chipotle's being delivered by drones.
I think, though, that Uber's deployment of driverless cars
in Pittsburgh kind of caught people
like, this isn't 20 years from now, you know,
this is something gonna happen soon.
And now the Department of Transportation
has actually issued regulations about what
the safety requirements are for driverless vehicles.
And the last thing I'll say about how fast technology's
coming and what its implications are on jobs--
the largest job in 29 states, and
the second- or third-largest in the others, is driving a truck.
There's 3 and 1/2 million truck drivers in America.
There's 6.5 million people that work
in rest stops, parts, insurance, supporting truck drivers.
Large-- it's not like steel or auto,
where there were parts of the country.
This is the largest job in 29 states.
I was with someone who runs a private equity company that
owns lots of things that need to be moved by trucks, who
was yelling at me, saying, your union members-- not mine,
but-- union members are telling me
they want to fix their pension.
Don't they know, in five years I'm
going to have a driverless vehicle take things
from the distribution center and bring it to the stores?
They should be worried about their jobs.
They shouldn't be worried simply about their pensions.
And then you read--
and watch, if you'd like to, online--
one truck carry-- not "carry"--
lead four other trucks--
the other four are driverless.
One truck has a driver, so there's
five trucks, one driver, went from one side of Europe
to the other.
Convoy is a company created by Jeff Bezos and the founders
of Amazon to do for trucking what
Uber did for cars, with the same intention, which
is to make the trucks driverless and be the distribution
system that can tell you, pick up something here, drop it
there, you have another load.
So they've created a lot of big-time investors,
and successful entrepreneurs have created Convoy.
Uber bought Otto.
Otto allows a truck driver to retrofit their truck
to make them initially not completely
driverless but eventually completely driverless.
So all those truck drivers will have an asset,
but they won't have a job.
The job will be renting out their asset,
until enough fleets of other trucks are built,
driverless from the beginning.
But this is Uber's play to be the conversion entrepreneur,
as opposed to be the ultimate, you know, Mack-truck creator
in the world.
At all this is happening at warp speed.
So here's what I say.
What should we do?
So the one thing I refuse to do--
but I will do it, if anybody wants
to-- is have the debate about, is this time different?
Because I don't know.
And anybody who does know, please tell me
what stocks are going to go up in the future,
tell me where to make investments, what baseball
team is going to win.
Because no one knows.
And the truth is, up to now every time we've
had economic revolutions and disruptions more jobs--
or the same number of jobs, at a minimum-- have come back.
So the past is a terrific guide for the future,
except it's not working for the economy,
it's not working for the way that work works,
but why are we going to count on it when it comes to the past
being a good predictor of the future?
And even more importantly, anyone who runs a business,
or anybody who is involved with the military,
knows you do scenario planning.
You don't have to know everything that's
going to happen, but you need to be prepared for anything
that's going to happen.
So, if someone told us that, for the first time in history,
a storm as powerful as Sandy is going to come and wipe out
not just parts of lower Manhattan,
it's going to flood the entire city,
now, we could do one of two things.
We could have a big debate and say, you know,
those forecasters, they didn't get it right last time,
so they're not going to get it right this time.
Or, you know, it's never happened before in Manhattan.
Or you could get the hell out of town,
or build sandbags, or at least go to the store
and buy supplies in case it happens to be true.
The last thing you would do is disregard
reputable, scientific evidence by people
we rely upon all the time.
And that's the situation we're in.
There are all these people telling us,
there is a chance, there is a reasonable chance,
that this scenario could be true.
And we have no plans, as a country,
to determine what it's going to do.
Now, middle-class people are living a plan,
because they have what's, I say, "parental basic income."
If you're like me, and you have a kid who didn't quite
get out of the house, or--
first of all, there's more kids living
at home who graduated college than at any time in history.
For those of us who believe in the American dream,
that is the American nightmare, for parents.
So, that is the truth.
But a lot of parents like me help my kid.
I take them on vacation.
If he has a bill, I help pay for it.
I'm providing stabilizing economic floor for him,
to know he can take some risk or do some things
or go back to school or whatever it
is, because he has a basic income called "his father."
The dirty little secret of Silicon Valley
is, most of the entrepreneurs in all those garages
are not the sons of my janitors or kids
who were sons and daughters of child-care workers.
Not that they aren't just smart.
[INAUDIBLE] those kids can spend two years in a garage,
with no income.
These are the sons and daughters of wealthy people.
Because money gives you a chance to take risks,
to be an entrepreneur, to do things that, otherwise,
if you're trying to eat and meet the basic Maslow's need
hierarchy, you can't do.
So what's my idea?
So I happen to believe we need a plan for America.
I hope we never use the plan.
I hope we put it on a shelf.
I hope all the jobs come back.
I hope that everybody laughs at me and calls me an idiot
and, you know, I was crying wolf and tells me,
you know, this is why they never let you into academia,
because you don't know what you're talking about.
[LAUGHTER]
So I hope that's true.
But if it's not true, I'm not having
my members and your kids and your grandkids
end up poor in a country with the greatest amount of wealth
in the world and not having a life that they
should be able to live.
I'm not willing to accept that, either.
So here's my idea.
This is the oldest idea in American history
that is going to become the newest
idea of the 21st century.
Because this idea is Thomas Paine's idea.
It's called the "universal basic income."
This was Thomas Paine's version.
We won the Revolutionary War.
All the land that was owned by the crown, we have it now.
We threw them out; it's our land.
We know we're going to turn it into private property,
but this was the community's land.
It was the country's land.
So we are going to give everyone,
this was this proposal, 15 pounds sterling,
for the rest of their life, in compensation
for the fact that you are an American citizen
and we have all this wealth and the wealth is being turned over
to private hands and you're in essence getting a dividend.
The country that came closest to a universal basic income--
and that's the idea that every citizen--
and you can decide whether it's zero till they die,
you can decide if it's 18 to 64, you
can decide, does it replace social security
or is it in addition to so--
there's lots of ways you can design the program.
But the basic idea is, it's universal,
meaning everyone gets it, it's basic,
it's not living a life of luxury,
and it's an income, without any requirements necessarily to do.
The number I pick for universal basic income
is a very simple number.
It's $1,000 a month.
Why $1,000 a month?
Because the poverty level in the United States,
whether you want to believe this or not, isn't $11,994 a year
a person, it's poverty.
If you want to get people above poverty,
you have to pay them $12,000 a year.
My proposal is, let's just get everybody out of poverty.
Martin Luther King, in his last book, From Chaos to Community,
condemns the welfare system-- that I
started working in as a public employee-- hated it!
He said, we didn't ask for all these categorical programs
for housing and food.
We asked you to end poverty.
And if you want to end poverty, give people money.
And in 1968, the country that came
closest to passing a universal basic income
was the United States of America.
And it was promoted by a guy named
Milton Friedman, a prominent conservative philosopher,
and put forward by a man that you may think
would be odd for him to do, called Richard Nixon, who was
the president of United States.
And Richard Nixon proposed giving
every single American citizen $10,000 a year,
in lieu of some of the welfare system
that had been built up to that time.
And it passed the House of Representatives.
And it stood-- only thing standing in the way
was a Democratic Senate.
And the Democratic Senate didn't pass a universal basic income,
or the world might be very different
the way we think about how our social benefits work,
because they thought they were going to beat Richard
Nixon in the next election.
We'd get a Democrat in office, and we'd make it $12,000!
So why would we pass $10,000 and let Richard Nixon get credit?
It's the same thing we did with health care, by the way,
on pay or play.
And so universal basic income disappeared
in the United States.
A bunch of left- and right-wing philosophers
kept it alive in Europe.
And all of a sudden, it's back.
Because technology is creating a real fear.
The World Economic Forum at Davos this year, the convention
was called the "fourth industrial revolution."
They talked about millions of jobs being destroyed,
so that you can't go out to Silicon Valley
and not hear them tell you how many jobs will be limited
by the work that they're doing.
And universal basic income, for their purposes,
is just a way to solve the problem without them having
to worry about anything other than making sure everybody gets
paid off, so to speak.
So here's the thing.
Now Finland is doing an experiment
on universal basic income.
Switzerland had a referendum on universal basic income.
Utrecht, in the Netherlands, is doing an experiment.
Today, the Trade Union Congress of the UK
voted in favor of universal basic income.
Jeremy Corbyn and the Labour Party have adopted.
And Justin Trudeau, north of the border,
's father ran a universal basic income--
Pierre Trudeau, in Manitoba, his son Justin
had it in his Liberal Party platform experimentation
on universal basic income.
It's now in Montreal and Ontario it will be tested.
And there are many people in the United States--
not "many."
There are people in the United States
beginning to talk about a universal basic income
for children.
Because, if you believe all the brain research,
that zero to three is the most formative
physiological development for kids' brains,
and if you realize we have no programs for kids who
are zero to three, particularly if you're poor,
then people are starting to say, why
don't we just have a universal basic income
and give some parents who don't have
money resources to be able to take care of their kids?
And that will be probably, you know,
a way that people begin to think about it.
So that's my book, and that's my idea.
And, as I say to people, if you don't like my idea,
I'm OK with that.
Like, what's your idea?
If your idea is, like, let's take a chance
and hope it doesn't happen--
like, we're trying that with climate.
It hasn't really worked well yet.
You know, maybe it will reverse itself.
But I don't think we gamble with our families.
I don't think we gamble with our country.
I don't think we gamble with our future.
I think there's a lot we can do about it.
And I think universal basic income is--
like Winston Churchill said about democracy,
it's a terrible idea, until you try everything else.
Thanks.
[APPLAUSE]
STEVEN BERKENFELD: Thanks, Andy.
So it's kind of remarkable that you
can take hours and hours of discussions
and distill it down to about 20 minutes.
But let me start with, the statistics are compelling.
The trends are clear to you and I and maybe some others.
But what's the tipping point, where
there's a general acceptance that we
have a really urgent and very serious
problem about both the availability and the security
of jobs?
Is it driverless cars?
Is it autonomous vehicles?
Is that the thing that people say, wow,
that seems so implausible, and now it
feels like it's inevitable?
ANDY STERN: So I think there are two possibilities.
One is probably improbability, which
is the President of the United States
stands up and gives a speech similar to mine, surrounded
by his or her council of economic advisors, Advisers
having set the idea in motion.
Because I think people have a sense
that something is going on.
They just can't put the pieces of the puzzle together.
And parents really know life is-- like, when I grew up,
if your kid got a union job or your kid
went to college they were fine.
Now, neither-- the union job doesn't exist as much,
and college is no guarantee anymore.
I think the second is driverless trucks.
I think it's so much faster than people understand.
I mean, driverless cars are personal decisions.
Driverless trucks are business decisions.
And we know, when people make business decisions,
there's money attached to it.
And having less people, you know,
means you tend to make more money.
And capitalism does work well.
And I think driverless trucks, and the speed of them
arriving, and the dislocation it's going to cause, you know,
is going to be a total disorientation.
And it's this similar group of people
that are very disoriented already,
in terms of how angry they are that the world doesn't
look the way it used to.
STEVEN BERKENFELD: Yeah, it's been interesting to me,
as we've had these discussions, that it's
the economists, the labor economists, that say,
you're a Luddite, you're afraid of technology,
these jobs will come back.
But when you talk to the technologists
and the futurists, they say, no, we really
have the ability to automate a lot.
And they're much more concerned about this issue.
So we need, I think, before we can
have this serious discussion about UBI,
to continue to push the consensus that we've got
a real risk of a problem, here.
So I think the question that everybody wants to ask,
I'll ask for them, is how much might this cost?
And how do we pay for it?
ANDY STERN: So, A, just because there are really
smart people in the room, there needs
to be a lot more research done.
OK?
So, in my book I do the best I can, from everything I know,
and I say it will cost $1.75 trillion,
to give everybody 18 to 64 $1,000 a month.
I don't have enough sophistication
to figure out how much the tax system claws back.
You know, there's just lots of implications.
You know, I don't know how much money
is put in the economy that's then gotten back
in other kinds of revenue.
So I don't know all those details,
but I'd say $1.75 trillion is a fair number.
Here's how I'd pay for it.
So, conservatives and I agree on basic income.
In fact, I'll be at the Cato Institute,
a place started by the Koch brothers, and not
my normal stomping grounds where I get drinks.
I like your wine a little better.
But I'll be at the Cato Institute,
with Charles Murray, who wrote a book I also had some trouble
with, called The Bell Curve.
But we are on the same side of basic income, except for this--
he wants to eliminate every single welfare
program, including Social Security, Medicaid,
and Medicare, to pay for basic income.
I say we can't touch health care,
and people are invested in Social Security, so maybe
another generation we can think about Social Security,
but not for people that have paid in.
It's somewhat like a pension plan.
So I take 500--
there's one-- in case you want to know,
there's 122 cash transfer programs in the United States,
of one form or another.
Which makes you understand why poor people are so crazy,
trying to deal with the bureaucracy of surviving
with a family, dealing with 122 different possibilities.
So I take $500 million--
$500 billion-- now I've got to get big numbers-- $500 billion,
to get up to $1.75 trillion.
I think $500 billion, from that--
no more EITC; it's just another cash transfer--
food stamps, unemployment, there's
a whole series of things that you can eliminate.
There's $1 trillion of benefits, so it's half.
I don't think that's that hard to do.
Everybody who has a favorite program won't like it,
but it's kind of it for the greater good.
And we need to understand, $1,000 a month ends poverty.
There are 50 million people in poverty right now.
Right?
There are 50 million people who don't have $12,000.
So whatever we might do to influence some people here
and there, and we got to think about that,
we need to understand there's 50 million people that
will immediately be better off than what they are.
There's $500 million easily in what are called--
and we learned this in Simpson-Bowles-- "tax
expenditures."
They're the way we shelter retirement savings and IRA
and second and third house or second houses
and other stock options and things, that are just ways--
instead of giving people money, people don't pay money.
And those are mostly wealthy people and corporations who
don't.
So I say there's $1.3 trillion of those, which is interesting.
We have $1 million for our social safety net
but $1.3 trillion in tax expenditures.
Take $500 billion there.
Now we're up to $1 trillion.
Now we're getting closer.
So, most people don't know-- this is my formula.
Most people don't know this.
We had a financial-transaction tax
in this country for 50 years.
So anytime you hear of Tobin tax in Europe
or financial transactions, this not a new idea;
we just got rid of it.
It's worth about $200 billion.
Now we're at $1.2 billion.
Then you can decide where you want to go.
We're the only country in the OECD who has no VAT tax.
5% VAT tax would get you a long way, almost home.
We have no carbon tax.
People say we can't give the carbon tax back to people.
Alaska gave all the oil resources from the North Slope
back to people.
They didn't give it to the government.
They gave it to the government as an intermediary,
before the government pays a dividend to every citizen.
We could do that with a carbon tax,
and then we wouldn't worry about your energy prices
quite as much.
You know, there are people who have some issue--
STEVEN BERKENFELD: Two birds with one stone.
Climate change--
[INTERPOSING VOICES]
ANDY STERN: Right.
And some people have issues with the military budget.
We have no asset tax.
Thomas Piketty talked about an asset tax.
Maybe we should change the giving pledge,
where wealthy people give half away their income when
they die.
We could turn it to the living pledge.
So don't give it away when you die.
We get rid of the estate tax.
Give it away while you're alive, because we need the money now,
not later after all the accountants and trust lawyers
get in charge of things.
So there's lots of-- it can be done.
It's not the easiest thing in the world,
but, you know, it's not a hard thing to do.
It's political will, not, is the money there?
STEVEN BERKENFELD: Right.
So, following up on that, Social Security to me
doesn't seem that challenging.
It's more of a transition.
Right?
People have paid in, and you can get people to,
through attrition, come off of it.
And new people get the UBI, instead.
But health care does.
And even if you have $1,000 a month, how do you pay?
If you have any kind of medical issue,
that's going to eat up a lot of that $1,000 in that month.
ANDY STERN: That's why I don't do anything with health care,
because I think it's impossible for an individual
to manage your health care.
Because your genes and so many other factors, poverty,
have a huge impact on it.
But here's what I would say.
It we paid the same amount of money in health care
as every other major industrialized country,
we could pay for UBI.
We pay, what, 17% of GDP for health care.
Most countries pay from 11% to 13%, at the high end.
Right?
That's 4% of GDP.
That pretty much will pay for a universal basic income.
So, to me, we just need to get employers out of the system,
do what everybody else around the world does, which is,
get government more involved in the system,
whether it's Switzerland, which has private insurance,
or the National Health Service in UK.
You can have any model.
The truth is, no model works unless someone bargains
with providers.
And individuals have no power to bargain with providers, which
is why everybody uses the government
to bargain with doctors, pharmaceutical companies,
and everyone else but us.
Because our market economy loves to pay people
more money than they need.
STEVEN BERKENFELD: So, to sound-bite
this, if UBI can be described as social security for all,
[INAUDIBLE] you'd need a Medicare for all to go with it.
ANDY STERN: Yeah, you would.
STEVEN BERKENFELD: Right, OK.
Big discussion, this political season, is on immigration.
So, how does that factor into it?
It's already a big challenge.
And entitlement to this, I would assume,
requires US citizenship.
So-- discussion of a path to citizenship,
and what to do with people in this country who
aren't citizens, becomes all that more--
ANDY STERN: Yeah, it does.
So, I happen to believe that all the people in this country
need a pathway to citizenship.
I also believe that countries have a right
to set their own immigration policies.
But it's not up to people to set immigration policies.
Countries set immigration policy.
So, in my calculation, I assume the whatever many
you want to guess, 11 to 13 million people, that are here
are included in UBI, and no other undocumented person
will ever be entitled to UBI, from this point.
But I'm just making that presumption
that that's going to occur, at some point.
Because you don't want to create an incentive to attract people
simply on the basis of money.
I would say this is the bigger problem with immigration,
which is a whole different discussion if you--
immigration has been justified both on moral grounds, which
is not doing so well these days, when you look at the refugee
crisis and other things.
We're not quite as welcoming a nation as we once were.
But then it was also, people were doing jobs
that no one else wanted to do.
But there are not going to be any jobs
that no one else wants.
There's not going to be any jobs!
You know, farming is not going to be by people
picking things in a field.
It's all going to be done vertical farming
or by machinery.
I mean, what are those jobs that no one--
restaurants?
They're going to have touchpads.
They already are beginning to them.
eatsa-- if you're in Washington, DC,
you can go to the eatsa, the first robotic restaurant
in Washington.
There's already one in San Francisco.
You can have your quinoa balls ordered on your iPad,
and you pick them up.
There's no people.
There's, like, two guys in the back of the restaurant--
STEVEN BERKENFELD: We don't know what's in the back.
They wouldn't let us in the back.
[INTERPOSING VOICES]
ANDY STERN: [LAUGH] But I've read that--
[LAUGHTER]
STEVEN BERKENFELD: All we know is, your food appears.
ANDY STERN: Exactly.
You may not want to know what's in the back, but, you know.
So I would just say, what are we going
to do if the motivation was that we needed people
to do certain kinds of work, and we
don't have that kind of work?
I think we have a whole different discussion
about immigration.
STEVEN BERKENFELD: Yeah.
And I think, as Andy gives these examples,
it's important not to think of it as binary--
that the job just goes away, that there
are no people working on farms.
It's just that technology allows you to do so much
more with so much less.
So it's a continuous trend of, you know,
eliminating 5% this year and 10% next year and 20% the year
after that.
And you take away the jobs that way.
It's better to actually think of it in terms of the activities.
ANDY STERN: Yeah.
It's a downward pressure on employment.
And in my book, since I know Cornell does a lot of work
with human-resource professionals,
Dave Cote uses his HR department at Honeywell
as his example of where you had 1,000 people when he first
became the CEO.
He's down to 300.
He expects to go under 100.
You ask him why-- technology.
Everybody's more efficient, plus people
want to interact and get the answers themselves.
They don't want intermediaries-- any more,
call up your HR person and ask them a question.
You want your FAQ and your information online.
And so there will always be HR people,
just less and less and less.
Same with lawyers, same with doctors.
STEVEN BERKENFELD: So, on to cultural issues, values.
How do you address the American aversion to money for nothing?
And how do you reconcile this with the criticism
that UBI's almost un-American, as contrary to some
of our fundamental values of hard work
and individual accountability?
ANDY STERN: So the one thing I say is,
the one job we need lots more of is philosophers.
Because we set up Maslow's need hierarchy,
and we said self-actualisation was the highest thing.
I don't think we meant work was self-actualization only,
for everyone.
So I think we need to--
and I think that we should not allow anybody
into this discussion who's over 30, because those
of us who grew up loving work, who our work gave us meaning
and purpose, are not in the right position
to explain to people coming up in a very different employment
world that we discussed what value work is going to have.
So those are my two starting places.
I'm really curious about these experiments
that are being run in other countries, of what people
do with time.
Now, we do have somewhat of an experiment here.
No one wants to--
it's EITC, which is, people get a once-a-year check.
And at least we know that the bars aren't full and, in fact,
most people use the money to pay off debts
when they get their EITCs.
So we shouldn't think that now, when
people get a monthly check, they're
going to do all the things that people worry
that people are going to do.
] always say to people that it's always funny,
because I go out to lunch with very successful people,
who are very wealthy.
And they want to talk about policy.
And, after the third martini, they're asking me,
aren't all these people going to drink their money away?
[LAUGH] And I say, I don't know-- what have you
been doing all lunchtime?
[LAUGHTER]
So I think there's a lot of things we need to learn.
I don't know if-- you know, some people say we redefine work.
But there's a series of wonderful things about UBI.
It pays child-rearing parents, men
and women, money for the first time,
gives a value to that work.
Prisoners who leave prison on reentry,
who end up going back a lot because they
don't have the economic ability to get by, can do that.
People who want to go back to school.
Workers who want to go on strike.
I mean, there are lots of additional advantages of UBI
that make it--
compensating things that we haven't done,
sometimes, before, in the past.
But I think this question is the biggest question.
Because, then if you say, OK, work is fundamental,
then tell me what the work program is that we're
going to have everyone do.
And there are things now that you and I have talked about,
people can do for a while.
Like, there's lots of what I call "mitigating policies."
It's kind of Uber now versus Uber later.
Uber now, Sarah and everybody will talk to you
about all the wraparound benefits we could do,
and Elizabeth Warren will talk to you about Social Security
and how we could provide for it in a different way [AUDIO OUT]
later, we have a different problem.
So I think there's lots of Uber-now things.
I think this philosophical question
of what people are going to do with their time, forget--
you know, when there's not enough work to do.
And I would argue, the opioid crisis in parts of this country
is a bad example of what people do with their time
when they have no money and no hope and they're 55 years old
or their voting patterns are somewhat
of an expression of that.
So I think this is a really important question.
But I don't think anybody's figured out how, long-term,
the work's going to happen.
You know, I said to you earlier, if one more person says to me
the WPA--
and I say, the WPA was 80 years ago,
in a very different economy.
It was never meant to be permanent,
it was a temporary transitional program.
And a lot of people sent their--
were out in the woods, digging trails and whatever.
So, when you're ready to let your kids go out, that's
their life, is going and living in a camp
and working in the woods, you know, OK, call me.
Or when you think that the men are all
going to be in infrastructure and the women, usually
the women of color, are going to be
home-care and child-care workers,
I say, fine, that's not how it's going to work.
When your male kid is ready to change my feeding tube,
as his job, call me.
Because then I'll be for guaranteed jobs.
Because the only jobs anybody can think of
are care jobs, energy-related jobs and infrastructure jobs.
STEVEN BERKENFELD: Yeah.
You talk about research and discussion,
and there'll be a lot on the economic side of it--
how much will it cost, how we pay for it.
But I think, as you just talk about that,
there's all sorts of things that come into your head.
What do people do with their time?
How do we engage them in society?
I was thinking about, if everyone's
getting $1,000 a month, what does that do the crime,
for instance?
Is that reduced incentive?
Right?
Because there are people who are at a certain level.
But I have heard that comment, of, won't people just
drink it or use drugs?
Maybe for the first month, but then they'll
realize that they have to eat and have a place to live.
So there is an element of, stop being so paternalistic.
[INAUDIBLE] Except for the most challenged,
mentally-ill challenged in our society,
we let people make that decision.
ANDY STERN: Yeah, and you do wonder how dignified
it is for people to have to go to welfare offices
and unemployment offices--
STEVEN BERKENFELD: Disability--
ANDY STERN: --and take drug tests, now,
when you're [? unemployment. ?] You know,
that, all of a sudden, because you can't find a job,
you're a derelict and you have to take a drug test?
I mean, you know, we're just going in the wrong direction.
STEVEN BERKENFELD: There's the stigma,
and I think there's also the uncertainty, the anxiety,
of knowing how long those benefits will continue,
that you continue to get disability.
And this, by having it dependable and guaranteed,
actually allows people to make different decisions.
But let me just ask one more question.
Then I'll turn it over to the audience.
We discussed a lot the element of national service.
And you can make a lot of, I think, good arguments
that there should be mandatory, or let's call it
"universal," national service.
Just as an example of that, when someone turns 18
and they become eligible for the UBI,
they spend a couple of years doing
something for the community, for the country.
Could be military service.
Could be taking care of the elderly.
Could be teaching pre-K, rebuilding our infrastructure.
We can come up with dozens of ideas.
But on the issue of money for nothing,
I like the idea that some sort of national service
creates a quid pro quo.
You spend a couple of years--
and think in terms of veteran benefits and all that.
But you spend a couple of years giving, and then you become--
it's a bad word, but-- "entitled."
Or you've earned the right to receive this.
Just your thoughts on it.
ANDY STERN: So, because I knew so little about this idea,
and then because the more you read
everybody has all kinds of different permutations
on the idea, I decided to just do a clean cut.
Right?
So I don't include children, which I would like to.
I don't include national service, which I'd like to.
Because I don't want to keep imagining what everybody else
wants to add on to it.
Right?
OK, you get universal basic income,
but you have to volunteer 10 hours a week,
you know, to take care of people after your national service.
Or you have to recycle your household goods.
Or you have to walk, you know, 100, 500 steps every day,
so that you're healthy, so you're not [INAUDIBLE]----
sort of leave it limited.
I just [AUDIO OUT] would say, the first question
for me is, is it a reasonable scenario for people to have
to think about a world where there's not enough work, where
maybe UBI is not a substitute for work
but a big supplement to work, because there's
only so many hours and it's divided differently.
So the first question is, is it a problem where
we should have a solution?
And then the second question is, what's the solution?
And then, within the solutions--
you know, whether it's work or basic income--
you know, what are the moral and other questions?
You know, I think the country needs national service, period.
Because I think we don't live in the same community.
We can sit at home and watch things.
We don't have to interact with people.
I mean, I think there's lots of reasons you want to do it.
You could tie it to lots of things,
and I think universal basic income is a fair one.
The other nice thing about tying it to national service
is that, if you put all the two years of life--
18 and 19, let's say--
out of the labor market, you will delay the loss of jobs,
because you'll take that many people
into a different arrangement than this arrangement.
And so I think it has also labor-market
potential positive consequences.
STEVEN BERKENFELD: It kind of helps pay for it.
ANDY STERN: Yes.
STEVEN BERKENFELD: Because, if you
had to spend government money on pre-K, for instance,
you have the workforce, so you're already
giving $1,000 a month, too, to actually do a lot of the work.
Louis?
LOUIS HYMAN: All right, well, let's take some questions
from the audience.
Who's up first?
Of course, the guy at the end of the row.
[LAUGHTER]
You can pass the mic down.
AUDIENCE: Hey, good evening.
And, first off, I just want to say, as an [? ILRie ?]
in finance, I'm very grateful that ILR puts on events
like this and that we get such intelligent and meaningful
discourse supported in New York City,
for all of our enlightenment.
So thank you for being here and for supporting this.
But my question was on the economic consequences of UBI,
as a subject that is still kind of on the frontier
of economic policy and monetary and fiscal policy.
What do you imagine being the kind of inflation results
of a policy that would give guaranteed income
to all citizens of the United States?
And then also, what do you think will
be the consequence on voluntary unemployment, as a result?
Do you think that fewer people would choose
to enroll in the workforce?
And also, would prices go up in our economy?
ANDY STERN: So I hope Steven's going
to join me in answering these questions,
since he knows more than I do about most of these things.
So, on the first question of inflation,
there's a big debate.
No one knows.
Everybody can point to different factors and say yes, no.
No one really knows what's going to happen.
In terms of what people will do, I
think that's exactly why we're going to do experiments.
They actually did five experiments
in the United States.
So, if any of you need your PhD dissertation
and you haven't figured out the subject matter,
I imagine somewhere in boxes is the results of all of that.
Because it was true in Canada, and someone
who did get their PhD has computerized all their records
and learned what happened in Canada.
None of that happened about--
in fact, the health results were better for people,
the graduation rates were better for people,
the mental health was improved in the community.
They did it for a couple of years, universal basic income.
They did it in the US, no one really
knows exactly what happened on some of those characteristics.
But we're going to find out shortly
in some of these countries.
Finland is actually doing it to test the work question.
Because they really want people back in the labor market,
but they think people aren't coming back
for five- and seven-hour jobs because their social benefits
are high enough that, when people
are making the calculations, they
say it's not worth working.
They're trying to make work worth working.
And so they're going to test that.
And I just think no one knows the question,
but all the indications are, it does not
deter people from working because there's not
enough money.
STEVEN BERKENFELD: Yeah, I get that response a lot, too.
Give them universal basic income, how many people
will still want to work?
And then you say, it's only $1,000 a month.
And if you want to take vacations,
you want to go out to eat, you maybe want a car--
you might not need one--
you want to send your kids to a private college, for instance,
you need more than $1,000 a month, a lot more.
But everything starts to change when
you think about financial aid in colleges
and how that's approached.
I think, in many cases, people might
decide to work as supplemental, as you referred to it.
It might be that the part-time job is good enough.
It might be that a TaskRabbit or Uber
driver is enough to add a little bit more to what I need.
People make different decisions about where they live.
I mean, you made a very interesting point out
that the ghettos that form around
all the current programs, you need
to have stores that accept food stamps
and places you can cash these checks.
You know, if everybody gets this check,
it kind of allows you the flexibility
to choose your path.
You may just want to start a business.
You may want to be an entrepreneur.
So my sense is that it will be interesting
but that most people will do something beyond just
collecting the check.
I think one good way to think about this issue--
and I can turn it over to you--
is, will we need a minimum wage anymore?
Because people will have a little bit more bargaining
power to decide whether or not they want to take that job.
ANDY STERN: Spoken like a true Wall Street economist.
[LAUGHTER]
So my research assistant, who very sheepishly,
at one moment after I had gotten to the conclusion
that some big technological tsunami of labor disruption
was going to occur, and had no idea what to do about it,
came to me and said--
he told me later he had stayed up all night, talked
to his wife before he did this.
He said, I'm about to tell this labor guy that, like, work--
we're going to give people money for not working,
and there aren't going to be unions,
and there'll be no minimum wage.
Because, he said, there's no reason have a minimum wage.
And so he wrote me a-- it was very nice.
He wrote me a 12-page syllabus that I actually
used from then on and a whole explanation of it,
to show me that this is something
that's been well thought about.
So, you know, I think there's lots
of things we need to figure out, along the way here.
LOUIS HYMAN: One part of that question
I think is a really important question
to talk about the basic income is thinking about, well,
won't this just cause inflation?
Won't this just be eroded by an increase in--
ANDY STERN: Is that true for Pell grants and college
tuition?
LOUIS HYMAN: Well, I'm curious how you respond to it.
ANDY STERN: Yeah, I don't know.
I mean, people say to me, do colleges raise tuition extra
for then what they would when the grants, Pell grants, got--
I don't know.
There's no research on it, I can tell you
that, because I've tried to find the research.
I'm just at a university, so I get to make a little fun, here,
about universities.
So I don't know.
So far, the Alaska experiment and things have not shown,
you know, price gouging or other things.
But I don't think anyone knows.
The interesting thing about housing
is that people with money have more mobility.
Albert Wanger is a big investor, early investor,
in technology, and a libertarian, would say,
if you look at the housing stock in Detroit,
there's lots of housing stock to be fixed up.
No one wants to fix it up.
And why don't people move to Detroit and just go fix it up?
Right?
Because you could have a house for $1.
But, he says, people don't have transportation.
Then, if they get there, they have to eat.
Then they have to buy building supplies.
So they have plenty of sweat equity, but they have--
He said, now, give them a universal basic income,
give four guys or two women and two men
a universal basic income, now they got $4,000 a month.
Maybe they'll get in the car and go to Detroit.
Right?
They'll have money to eat, they'll have asset--
and they'll build a house and build an asset, just
like you were saying, being entrepreneurs.
So, you know, I think lots of things
are going to change when people have a guaranteed floor
to think about things differently,
which is what the kids who live in Silicon Valley
do because of their parents.
LOUIS HYMAN: Next question?
AUDIENCE: I was wondering, how do you think more developing
countries will react to the loss in jobs,
as well, given that, I imagine, the issues that we'll
face they'll also face?
Do you think that universal basic income will also
be something less-well-off countries will also
have to implement, maybe just at a lower level?
ANDY STERN: So, the ILO just put out a report that says--
this pretty--
STEVEN BERKENFELD: Just explain what the ILO is.
ANDY STERN: The ILO is a United Nations organization,
the International Labor Organization,
that's a tripartite labor, government,
and worker organization.
It just did a study about the garment industry,
which is the major industry in the Southeast Asian area.
And it said that 88% of all the jobs in Cambodia
and 86% of all the jobs in textiles, footwear,
and clothing will be eliminated in the next decade
by sewing bots.
And the jobs will be reshored to the United States,
just like manufacturing's being reshored--
not because the jobs are coming back,
but because technology might as well put the jobs closer
to the consumer and avoid some of the logistical costs.
And the reason that's going to happen,
in case you want to know how to buy your clothes,
go down to Bloomingdale's right now
and you can stand a little machine,
and it measures your 360 degrees.
And then it tells you which clothes in the store
will look good on you.
And if you don't like that, the next step will be,
which is why they're all coming back to the United States, is,
you will pick out the style you want and it will individually
manufacture each garment separately.
That's how much technology will make this cheap.
So you have personalized clothing for every individual.
That's why they're moving back, because the sewing
bots will be able to do that.
So I don't know what you do.
In Rwanda, they've been trying to give
60,000 people [INAUDIBLE] a group, nonprofit, called
Give Directly has been trying to give 60,000
Rwandans a basic income, at a very low level,
to see what will happen.
Interestingly enough, they're having a hard time
getting people to take the money, because they're very
suspicious of what's going on.
So there's, like, a totally counterintuitive--
it's not like they're taking the money and getting drunk!
They won't take the money, because they're not sure
what it's going to mean to their culture and who's giving it
and what's the purpose.
So there's all kinds of unintended consequences here.
But I think developing countries,
as we're seeing, I used to think when Apple had all of its,
you know, electronic parts made by Foxconn,
which is a huge company--
employs 1 million factory workers in China
and makes most of the component--
I used think, this is--
OK, I don't like American workers losing their jobs,
but I'm really glad 1 million people in China
just got lifted out of poverty.
Until I learned that Terry Gou, the president of,
has now ordered a million robots.
Because he's realized the price of wages
compared to the cost of machinery
has gotten to the point where it's cheaper
to have the machinery.
So now I wonder, what's going to happen to China when
all those Foxconn workers, in 5 or 10 years,
are reduced by 90%?
STEVEN BERKENFELD: I mean, when you talk to a robotics company,
the biggest market is China.
And it's not just that it's cheaper,
it's just managing 1 million people.
Right?
There's all sorts of issues around managing people.
And it's just easier to run your business
if you take out all of that uncertainty and risk
that people present.
LOUIS HYMAN: I think we're going to have one more question.
It's from the web.
So this is from Don.
"Why not include only people who need the income?
Why give rich people money?"
ANDY STERN: Well, there's a sociologist from UK who said,
any policy for the poor is poor policy.
Because the history of the country has been,
A, things like social security are much more enduring when
they're universal, welfare programs have historically
been under attack, you can use the tax system
quite effectively to take the money back rather
than not giving people money.
You could reorganize how the tax system works and claw it
back differently.
And I think what we've learned is
that there is a sense in social security
and programs like that that these are American programs.
They're not poor-people's programs,
they're not lazy-people's programs.
We don't have to worry about, why
are people taking the money.
And so I think it is just a design
question and a sociological and moral question of,
is the right thing to do to change the tax system?
Is the right thing to do is put a group of people
into a welfare system and then constantly
be trying to cut that back?
If you could do that, you would ask yourself,
why do we have 50 million people in poverty, right now?
It's because, somehow, welfare programs are not seen as things
that countries want to support.
STEVEN BERKENFELD: Yeah, it's interesting.
Because the question I have, do you expect more challenge
from the right, who says here's another big government
program, even though you're eliminating others, and higher
taxes--
on the wealthy, probably?
Or from the left, from progressives,
who want to hold onto a lot of the programs
and can start making a list that, you know,
we have to provide school lunches and housing supplements
and on and on, and who also think there
needs to be kind of need space?
Right?
There needs to be an element of equity.
And I do think, in response to that,
that universal basic income, part of the appeal
is that everybody gets it.
If the rich get it, if Bill Gates gets it,
that money just goes right back into the system.
So it's all going to be taxed.
For the ones who are just receiving
universal basic income and don't have any supplemental income,
they're not going to pay any taxes at all, I'd expect.
So, when you really look at the economics of it,
I don't think that giving it to everyone
will change that much, because of tax policy that
will go along with it.
But it does really change the nature of the discussion
when you say, this is something that we guarantee
to all of our citizens.
ANDY STERN: So let me just end by saying--
if that's where we are here--
so my goal in writing this book was,
I don't mean to be Paul Revere or Johnny Appleseed
or something.
But, like, there is a tsunami of potential disruption
about to occur.
The ILR School is probably as good a place--
and I really appreciate what you're doing, Louis--
to kind of think about this, particularly given
the technology relationships you have across--
you know.
But I think we are foolish, as a country,
and we don't have enough courage yet, as a country,
to have this discussion in a public place.
That there may not be enough work for people
that want to do it, and what are the solutions?
And what we always have learned in history
is that, when the tsunami hits--
and I don't mean to say this in class warfare,
because I'll put myself in the--
people who find higher ground are not poor people.
They're not working people.
They're people with resources.
And we have a tsunami potential coming,
and we should not let it destroy the very basic fabric of most
Americans.
We are seeing the opening act, in some--
and I'll say this-- in some of the Trump voters,
of what people do when they're really mad because they think
their dreams and their families cannot live the life.
That is a problem right now.
Amongst a certain group of people, it is going to grow.
And people who spend a lot of money sending
their kids to college, who did everything right,
are going to find their kids don't have a future.
And we are insane, as a country, to not
have this discussion when there's a chance
to do something about it.
That's why I wrote this book.
LOUIS HYMAN: Great.
On that note, on a very happy note, I'd like to say--
[LAUGHTER]
--thank you to Andy and Steven for leading this discussion
tonight, and hope to welcome you all back next week, when
we discuss the future of freelancing the online economy,
and to encourage people who are online to join us
in person, here on 34th Street in delightful Manhattan,
where we're going to have free wine.
That's how we're going to spend our basic income.
All right.
Thank you so much for coming out tonight.
[APPLAUSE]
ANNOUNCER: This has been a production of the ILR School
at Cornell University.