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  • Before that I'd spent the last year researching

  • prison systems and general entities,

  • so I thought I'd take you on a journey through what I've found.

  • At the end I would like you to celebrate with me the fact that I can now leave

  • this disgusting, horrible, painful, dangerous system behind me;

  • and we'll all go out and have a drink and celebrate the fact that we,

  • ourselves, actually can leave it behind unlike some.

  • Fyodor Dostoevsky once said that one can measure

  • the degree of civilization in society by entering its prisons.

  • While this may be true, I think that in all senses

  • we see prison as separate from society, parallel to society,

  • not a product of that society but a neighbouring entity.

  • This is partly a product of the nature of the modern imprisonment paradigm:

  • a delineation of walls, barricades,

  • halted access in circumscription of its structures,

  • its necessary opaque methods of administration.

  • The anatomy of a prison system comes into existence

  • or is defined by its separation from its surroundings;

  • it's cut off from the external.

  • At the same time, these institutions we wish to understand

  • and the system as a totality, house what is seen by the general public

  • as an alternative population, a branch of humanity that has transgressed

  • whatever that society has placed into the paradigm of legal activity.

  • This perception aids us in divorcing the prison system

  • and the whole concept of the imprisonment system from our daily lives too.

  • Few problematic consequences arise, I think, from this.

  • First off, it has become very hard to criticize the prison system.

  • You are less likely to see the root causes and consequences of social issues

  • and the effect of social pressures on the people

  • who ultimately become inmates in the prison system

  • if you don't see the prison system as a product of a certain kind of society.

  • It's not independently involved,

  • and yet we quietly slip into the habit of this impression.

  • More specifically, and as I want to argue, all attempts at social criticism

  • of the method of imprisonment need to flow from an understanding

  • of the historical precedence that came to produce the prison.

  • This is rarely done academically and never in mainstream media.

  • This notion of separation also allows for the methods of the prison system

  • to be transferred to a general society whilst maintaining a certain doublethink

  • that these methods are not being used.

  • Ever-increasing and ever-powerful surveillance

  • is quite an embedded part of life now,

  • and yet it goes unnoticed by many because we are 'outside the prison',

  • therefore we must be free.

  • Comparisons of the school system with a prison are met with a priori cynicism

  • and are mostly made half jokingly by students who are only quietly aware

  • that the school system much more closely resembles the coercive organization

  • of prison than people would comfortably admit.

  • But, the reinforcer is there: You are not in a prison, you are outside;

  • and even though you may be in another social institution,

  • the logic and methods of the prison system

  • in your life are made to appear non-overlapping.

  • You should be thankful that you are not in prison.

  • This is a powerful enforcer against critical engagement with prison as well.

  • The 3rd and final effect of dividing up prison and society I want to dwell on

  • concerns the reform movement towards prison.

  • While it may seem an odd thing to say,

  • the debate against prisons' various failings or successes

  • is automatically framed as an argument for increasing its abilities.

  • The demand for reform, improvements, inspections, accountability

  • are all impulses of the same core values that gave birth to the prison itself.

  • Thus we easily slip into solving the problems of prisons

  • with a debate framed within the assumptions of creating more imprisonment,

  • in a sense that the attributes of surveillance, structured administration

  • and the demand for improvement and tracking of a subject that we see in the prison

  • are all reasserted on the prison itself, magnifying it more.

  • Let's give prison the context we need in order to understand it.

  • What came before the practice of the prison?

  • What happened to people caught in transgressions of the law in pre-carceral days?

  • What were the development pressures of imprisonment,

  • and how have they continued up to the present day?

  • What does it actually mean, in social terms,

  • to be living in a society that makes use of a prison system?

  • In his book 'Discipline and Punish | The birth of the Prison'

  • Michel Foucault recalls a famous case of public execution in 1757

  • of a regicide named Robert-François Damiens.

  • On the 1st of March, 1757,

  • Damiens the regicide was condemned to make the 'Amende Honorable'

  • before the main door of the church of Paris, where he was to be taken

  • and conveyed in a cart wearing nothing but a shirt,

  • holding a torch of burning wax weighing two pounds.

  • Then, in said cart, to the place de Grève

  • where on a scaffold that will be erected there, the flesh will be torn

  • from his breasts, arms, thighs and cleaved with red-hot pincers,

  • his right hand holding the knife with which he committed the said parricide,

  • burnt with sulphur; and on those places where the flesh will be torn away

  • poured molten-lead, boiling oil,

  • burning resin, wax and sulphur melted together,

  • and then his body drawn and quartered by four horses,

  • and his limbs and body consumed by fire, reduced to ashes

  • and the ashes thrown to the wind.

  • The account covers in detail the final moments of this goring.

  • Then the executioner, his sleeves rolled up, took the steel pincers

  • which had been especially made for the occasion

  • and were about a foot-and-a-half long,

  • pulled first the calf of the right leg,

  • then of the thigh, and from there, the two fleshy parts of the right arm,

  • then, at the breasts.

  • Though a strong, sturdy fellow, the executioner found it so difficult

  • to tear away the pieces of flesh that he set about the same spot

  • two or three times, twisting the pincers as he did so;

  • and what he took away formed at each part a wound about the size

  • of a 6-pound crown piece.

  • Stories like the one of Damiens are extremely common

  • for this time period and for the hundreds to thousands of years before it.

  • Indeed, in the pre-modern era we often find stories

  • of the beheaded, treasonous characters from history

  • having their heads placed on London Bridge's entrance.

  • The stories of Henry VIII, his misadventures towards his wives,

  • the methods by which Guy Fawkes was placed on the rack

  • and then ultimately hanged: These are common to our historical understandings.

  • I think it is with seemingly great relief

  • that many parts of the world have now abandoned public torture and execution.

  • On the face of it, this has been a humane move,

  • informed by design, not to see wanton, visceral bloodshed

  • performed by the State on its own people

  • in those societies that have abandoned either the death penalty

  • or any other overt public torture or execution.

  • However, before we move away from staged state violence,

  • the following points need to be made which help us understand this transition.

  • Public executions are just that: public.

  • As a spectacle, the event consists of a singular criminal

  • or defined set of criminals usually raised on a stage for better viewing,

  • surrounded by gazes of the onlookers.

  • In fact, there are historical precedence of crowds of expectant onlookers

  • rioting because a certain execution was held in private

  • or organized with limited or obstructed viewing.

  • Such was the expectation of the public to have a visible event.

  • Events were also explicitly ordered for

  • and performed by agents of the state.

  • The hanged man is not an aggressor so much as the showman for the crowd

  • and an employee of the state.

  • As is particularly the case with treason, the crimes that have been committed

  • are seen as against the monarch or the head of state.

  • The violence retribution that takes place is at once the expunging of the crime,

  • often symbolically as with Damiens whose hand held the knife

  • with which the attempted murder of the king was made.

  • It's also a reassertion of the power of the monarch or state head,

  • which has been undermined by the transgression of one of the laws

  • that the monarch has made, and which defines the power

  • to which the serfs are indeed subject.

  • The sovereign's power is acted out physically on the subjects

  • and the gaze of the onlookers at once empowers the event as theatrical,

  • noteworthy and central, whilst one would think

  • also forming a strong negative reinforcement to the witnesses.

  • This is what happens if you disobey the laws of the land.

  • To move away from this kind of punishment

  • to an organization of corrective institutionalization and surveillance

  • is often considered as one driven by the enlightenment

  • or a new set of human-based values and understandings towards human behaviour

  • or the nature of what we call 'evil'.

  • It is seen predominantly as the melioration

  • of the viciousness of the punitive mechanisms of the social order,

  • a more humane form of interaction between society and the criminal individual.

  • Indeed, the move from torture to punishment and imprisonment

  • as the main corrective function occurred in Europe in under 80 years,

  • making it a very speedy and almost sudden move in the force of punishment.

  • It demonstrates that large changes in the social organization can happen,

  • but in this case the move was not driven predominantly

  • by these values at all, but by something else.

  • The morphing of societal methods of treating transgressions occurred in tandem with

  • the development of an economy more closely founded

  • on the ideas of private property and ownership.

  • A reorganization of power occurred that relocated the point of application of power

  • from the body whose physicality was tied up in a more agricultural

  • and labour-based economy to what people often term as 'the soul'

  • or the more inner light of the delinquent products of that society.

  • Theft and other property-related crimes belong to the physical,

  • but once more ideological crimes come into play, like an up-tick

  • in the amount of fraud that occurs as a market-based economy

  • and a monetary paradigm begin to dominate, the more the power becomes effective

  • if it is relocated to the behavioural

  • rather than the physical side of the human being.

  • Consequently, we see the following:

  • The gallows are largely replaced by handcuffs,

  • and the public spectacle that was overt, punitive violence

  • and state termination of bodies has now been replaced by

  • an inverted spectacle that is worth noting.

  • Where once the lone criminal was gazed upon by a multitude,

  • by and by the institutional form of correction

  • has inverted this model into the modern recognizable prison organization:

  • a multitude of prisoners, all confined, separated, a crowd of individuals

  • rather than a throng surrounding a central, all-seeing tower

  • which allows constant supervision of the inmates,

  • but whose watching eye is itself not identifiable.

  • It is unseen, invisible. Indeed, as Foucault himself put it:

  • "Visibility is a trap."

  • This then was the invention of the 'Panopticon'

  • by a cheerful chap called Jeremy Bentham (there he is),

  • a structured excluding building that would house always-visible criminals;

  • and although the Panopticon is most famous for its central tower

  • and often round nature of the buildings,

  • actually over time surveillance has become digital,

  • and as such the ever-present centre can now be aided by CCTV

  • and similar measures rather than the need for direct line of sight.

  • So, even though today's prisons look rather different to this model of operation,

  • we can see how surveillance is the thing that has most empowered itself

  • in our punitive measures; and we can also see

  • that those measures are totalising, born of a central tower,

  • now morphed into a hi-tech control room.

  • No longer are the crowd watching the criminal.

  • A crowd of criminals is now being watched, isolated independently by cells

  • and the larger layout of the prison;

  • and yet made uniform by literally, uniforms,

  • shared rules and statuses.

  • They can be both entirely separated from the world in solitary confinement,

  • and yet have every move and behaviour inspected and supervised.

  • In fact, the word 'super-vision' has its roots in literally overseeing;

  • those two meanings of regulating an event

  • as well as having complete views of it are preserved in the modern phrase.

  • Such a system is always defended (especially by politicians)

  • as something that works in reducing crime and making society safer.

  • Indeed, the inbuilt, psychological effect of locking up human delinquents

  • is to bestow an ill-conceived feeling of being protected from them,

  • and indeed this feeling of needing protection itself becomes an engine

  • for the maintaining of such a system of punitive function.

  • Incarceration is also broadly characterized in two ways

  • which maintain its persistence as an accepted function in society.

  • One is the negative reinforcement:

  • People believe that peoples' experience of prison,

  • of being deprived of liberty, should correct that behaviour

  • so that upon their release they will integrate with that society,

  • or others exclaim "Some are just so bad

  • that you should just lock 'em up and throw away the key!"

  • This view essentially chooses to see the prison system

  • as a permanent container for the permanently dangerous.

  • It is maintained in the pro-imprisonment rhetoric

  • that prisons ought to be pacifying the criminals,

  • to be normalizing them so they can be potentially released in most cases.

  • This, of course, presupposes

  • that they be non-violent enough to be trusted with freedom.

  • One of foundations of being able to coexist with the wide population

  • is the curbing of violent behaviour towards the self and others;

  • such an impulse and tendency should be implicitly generated by a system

  • that is built to be the normalizer of human beings for social coexistence.

  • Yet, I want to impress upon you the following:

  • The prison system, its structure, its foundational ideology of punishment

  • through negative reinforcement, its governing legal mechanisms,

  • and its criminal, administrative and interpersonal hierarchies

  • are implicitly those that instill, promote,

  • require, enable and affect violence.

  • It is no longer the priority of the prison,

  • nor was it likely ever the main priority

  • to sustainably and correctly adjust human beings

  • to a society in a cooperative manner; and even if it were,

  • the main, actual effect of prison is in large part

  • the worsening of human social integrity.

  • I'll break this down into the following subheadings:

  • 1) Prison's meta-social effects

  • This is the evidence of prison's negative effect upon all inhabitants

  • including the guards, whether they are criminals or not

  • (that's a key point that I'll explain in a moment).

  • 2) Decisions and governing methods

  • The methods by which decisions are arrived at within the correctional body;

  • that body, including the legal system, the courts and their associated costs,

  • the rehabilitative organizations that work in tandem with the prison

  • during the release and transition of prisoners back home,

  • and the hardware, nutrition,

  • buildings, telephony and everything else.

  • This sounds distant from the topic at hand, but you'll see shortly

  • that all of these considerations lie at the heart of what correction actually means,

  • how we run it, and in what direction.

  • What are we building in there?

  • 1) Prison's meta-social effects

  • James Gilligan, head of the Harvard University Department

  • for the Study of Violence, spent decades working in prisons.

  • He has stated amongst many others than prisons are, in fact, engines of violence

  • which can turn non-violent criminals into violent ones

  • right in time for their release.

  • Several factors play into this effect, one key element being

  • the implicit shame and debasement of becoming subjected to overt coercion.

  • Playing into this for some prisoners is the social stigma of being a criminal:

  • You are opposed to the social structure as an individual.

  • Indeed, the ordered and structured communal nature of prisons

  • establishes a powerful educational environment for criminals:

  • a school of crime, which spits out shamed, deprived

  • and dangerous individuals into a society that understands neither them

  • nor the institutions from which they emerge.

  • Equally, those sent to prison leave on the outside families

  • that are more greatly impoverished by the loss of a breadwinner,

  • thus there is the built in downgrading of social cohesion

  • at the very point of which the system of punishment meets society.

  • Further crime and the psychosocial effects

  • of the shame of an imprisoned family member greatly distort an already

  • very likely problematic and stressful background of that same family.

  • Of course, we abhor violence

  • precisely because it generates more violence,

  • but closing off many violent people within a confined space

  • produces violent effects.

  • To quote Gilligan from 'Psychiatric Quarterly'

  • describing the Massachusetts' prison system:

  • "By the 1970s, the Massachusetts' prison

  • had degenerated into a virtual war zone.

  • In addition to riots within the maximum security prison alone,

  • there were periods in which there was an average of a murder a month

  • and one suicide every six weeks in a 600-man prison.

  • The decade as a whole ended with a total of more than 100 violent deaths

  • in one prison alone, and throughout the prison system as a whole,

  • there was an epidemic of riots, arson, hostage taking,

  • murder followed by suicide and other violence in which inmates,

  • prison staff and even visitors were being killed, raped and injured.

  • The federal court investigation that followed

  • determined that much of this violence was precipitated by untreated,

  • undiagnosed mental illness. Much of it was itself precipitated

  • or at least exacerbated by conditions within the prison."

  • Gilligan, who found himself placed in charge of this chaos,

  • instigated over 10 years of psychological treatment

  • and therapies that encouraged and nurtured self-respect

  • through positive reinforcement.

  • It was a value shift in the approach of rehabilitation.

  • He reported "During the first 5 years of our program there were no riots

  • at any prison, though there were two serious hosting taking incidents

  • both of which we were able to resolve without any deaths.

  • No staff members or visitors were killed,

  • though 7 inmates throughout the prison system as a whole

  • died from homicide or suicide.

  • During the second five years there were no riots, no hostage taking,

  • one homicide and two suicides.

  • That is, there were some entire years with no violent deaths."

  • Gilligan's project was unfortunately unraveled

  • after 10 years with the refocusing of the new governor

  • on reintroducing prisoners to the joys of busting rocks.

  • We see the system resetting down to its origins

  • with a greater focus on structural violence regardless of provable outcome,

  • but for this assertion to be valid,

  • that the prison system is itself inherently a nurturer of violence,

  • one would have to see non-violent people turn violent in a prison, for one;

  • but most helpful would be to see that the encouragement of violence

  • might also manifest in a controlled scenario with non-criminals.

  • For the first point, that non-violent people may become violent,

  • the US prison population is now at some two million people in strength.

  • This population quadrupled in the 1980s

  • fueled by the war on drugs' mandatory minimum sentencing,

  • which prolongs sentences on average to a preset term or longer,

  • and by 'truth-in sentencing' which more or less eliminates

  • the ability for rewarding better behaviour with parole or similar programs.

  • The 'three strikes' law also ensured that repeat offenders

  • for crimes including drug-related crimes (non-violent ones)

  • would see a quicker jail time now, as well as they'd be in for longer.

  • Around half of US convicts are in [prison] for non-violent offences

  • (around 20% drug offences);

  • but as James Gilligan reminds us, most prisons do more

  • to stimulate violence and crime than they do to prevent it.

  • Prisons have often been termed 'Schools of Crime';

  • I'd call them 'Graduate Schools of Crime'.

  • People often have to become violent in order to survive in them;

  • or even if they're not attacked by others,

  • they are subjected to conditions of degradation, humiliation, intimidation

  • and threats that I think might drive the most saintliest of people

  • to become more violent in response.

  • But, what if there's no criminals in prison but simply ordinary people?

  • Does the problem of violence disappear?

  • The theory that prison precipitates violence would predict

  • that ordinary people should become distorted by the institution.

  • Thankfully, this has been tested and proven valid,

  • most notably by Dr. Philip Zimbardo

  • and his Stanford Prison Experiment.

  • Making use of a disused cellar wing of [a] Stanford University building,

  • he and some colleagues constructed a rudimentary cell block

  • with locks on the door and secret audio surveillance so that inmates

  • could be monitored for their reactions to the environment and other inmates.

  • An ad was placed in the paper asking for paid volunteers

  • to take part in a 7-14 day experiment at $15 per day.

  • Those chosen for the experiment were picked for their mental stability:

  • non-aggressive and non-dominant characteristics.

  • 24 local males in all

  • were randomly assigned to be either prisoners or guards.

  • Prisoners were stripped of their name and given a number.

  • They were given hairnets and other ways of shaming them,

  • and they were deloused. There wasn't real delousing powder;

  • in fact, that whole delousing process is mostly to shame them on the way in.

  • The rules stated: A guard's orders must be obeyed;

  • timetables must be kept; house rules were enforced

  • and learnt by rote for public recitation, either in order or in part.

  • The resulting outcome of this was a practical 'reign of terror'

  • by the guards who began with tiresome and deliberately tedious exercises

  • such as reciting their prisoner numbers backwards, forwards, in reverse, etc.

  • But, as these mentally stable, ordinary boys

  • slipped further into their roles as domineering or the domineered,

  • more cruel results became apparent.

  • Clashes between inmates and guards, hunger strikes, disobedience,

  • destruction of prison property and inter-prisoner unrest

  • soon gave rise to essentially forms of torture,

  • cruelty, sleep deprivation and more.

  • One inmate folded after two days of subjection and was replaced.

  • All forgot it was an experiment.

  • One of the rules even stated that it would not be referred to as such.

  • Even Zimbardo (as a fictional prison superintendent)

  • ended up seeking snitches, convincing upset prisoners to stay on

  • and subject themselves further, etc.

  • The experiment collapsed after five days,

  • and does it remind you of anywhere?

  • Google thinks so:

  • It says Abu Ghraib.

  • Hand-in-hand with Zimbardo's experiment

  • comes the direct association with Stanley Milgram, whom we've had mentioned today;

  • and indeed Milgram and Zimbardo were at one time high school friends.

  • Milgram's experiment showed that over 90% of people

  • who were placed in the experiment would apply what they believed

  • to be mortally dangerous electric shocks to unseen victims,

  • when commanded to do so by a white-coat-uniformed head of the experiment.

  • Zimbardo shows us that ordinary people within a prison structure

  • can produce tension and violence.

  • Depersonalization runs right through the whole schema of command,

  • and coercion, and power administration within a structure.

  • We turn the ordinary into exactly the kind of distorted creature

  • by treating them in a distorted way.

  • Milgram, on the other hand, shows us how people can be led to punish others.

  • As such, we have to decode the behaviour of the brutal prison guards,

  • not as one of corruption of the prison methodology,

  • but in fact another symptom of its effect on human beings

  • regardless on which side of the law they stand on.

  • Part ll: Decisions and Governance

  • What steps are we taking to adapt prison? What are we adapting it towards?

  • What governs the development of prison now?

  • Many would contend that it would still be the eradication of criminal behaviour

  • or the paying of a social debt in some way.

  • Since my claim is that the culture is what births the prison,

  • we should also be able to predict the following:

  • A culture in society rooted to a great extent in the profit mechanism

  • should see its prison system reflect this tendency

  • of profit before every other consideration,

  • i.e., collusion, fraud, and so on, in a similar manner.

  • So, it comes as no surprise

  • that we do find the evolution of privately-run prison

  • as a powerful dominant force in the system of correction today.

  • American entities Wackenhut and CCA (the Correction Corporation of America)

  • and their international subsidiaries in Australia and elsewhere

  • are now prominent, but much well less known than one would think,

  • sold into society as 'cheaper alternatives' than state-run institutions,

  • but being more 'efficient' because of corporate backing.

  • CCA, for example, is now at the point where an offer is on the table

  • to run the entire correctional apparatus

  • in the 48 states of the United States.

  • A key element of the offer

  • is the promised occupancy rate of at least 90%.

  • In other words, we are now measuring the success of the prison system

  • by economic indicators that run counter

  • to the welfare of the inmates and the wider population.

  • It is now valued by its larger size rather than its smaller size.

  • It is valued by the money it saves, not the lives it saves.

  • The maintenance of at least a stable prison population

  • and at best a growing prison population

  • has become built into the welfare of thousands of satellite industries.

  • Two million prisoners eat six million meals a day,

  • meaning literally a captive audience for catering services.

  • The telephony company Sprint has made large contracts with prisons

  • to provide communication services. Inmates get sick,

  • allowing for private health companies to thrive servicing the population.

  • Wackenhut and CCA trade their stock on Wall Street

  • based on the size of the prisoner population,

  • the larger the better for the economy.

  • Now, I already mentioned the 3 US laws:

  • the Three Strikes Law, Truth in Sentencing, Mandatory Minimum Sentencing,

  • all of which have an effect on prison population.

  • It's interesting to note that these laws and many like them

  • are actually drafted by an organization called

  • the American Legislative Exchange Council (amusingly ALEC, for short).

  • Hundreds of state laws are passed each year

  • under the banner of being the 'Unsung Heroes' of American public policy.

  • ALEC states that its agenda is to:

  • promote free markets, small governments, state rights and privatization.

  • During these closed meetings,

  • hundreds of delegates from the prison industrial complex like Wackenhut

  • pay large dues to sit at the table together and eek-out pre-written templates

  • for state laws, that are then brought back by the state reps

  • to their own states, where they're then dressed up

  • and passed as the conclusions of that state representative

  • instead of the corporation gaining off their passage into law.

  • Do you now see why I don't trust the idea of government?

  • It's built in!

  • [Applause]

  • Truth in Sentencing and widely spread Mandatory Minimum Sentencing

  • and the Three Strikes Law have all been promoted heavily into acceptance

  • by ALEC's Criminal Justice Task Force, which included CCA

  • (which now claim as of last year to have left ALEC), and others

  • in a bid to insure a growing and robust prison population

  • which in turn insures the viability of the private prison enterprises involved.

  • Further (it gets better), forced labour, either for a pittance

  • or no pay at all, means that companies now regularly use prison labour

  • to produce the products more cheaply in order to sell at a higher cost

  • (or greater profit) to the non-imprisoned population.

  • There's only a mild difference there, isn't there?

  • This is more economically efficient if profit is your guiding light,

  • not if we're talking about the viability of prison

  • as a tool for social rehabilitation.

  • This should be termed what it is, Ladies and Gentlemen: Slavery 2.0!

  • It is the wholesale refocusing of the measure of success

  • of this system into economic indicators that are based on deprivation,

  • restricted access and control in the first place.

  • It has spread to corporate prisons in the UK, Australia and beyond.

  • If prison is a microcosm of the society

  • as James Gilligan has stated in his book 'Preventing Violence'

  • and which Dostoyevski essentially alludes to in my opening quotation of him,

  • then we can expect this to magnify as our paradigm becomes more predatory

  • and as the dominant for-profit forces seek to own

  • and deflect media attention and influence policy

  • as we have come to expect from every other avenue

  • which has been taken, and profitized, and commodified,

  • and altered into a machine for economic viability

  • instead of viability.

  • [Applause]

  • What's the alternative then?

  • About two years ago I was speaking with a cab driver (as I'm wont to do)

  • about the Utah man sentenced to death,

  • who chose to be killed by firing squad,

  • in 2010!

  • Now, seguewaying into punishment and its effects, I suggested

  • that the violence of the penal system encourages the violence of more crime,

  • more social division, more social ills. The cab driver replied:

  • "What do you want to do then, give 'em all a medal?"

  • This dualistic vision of reward and punishment,

  • is quite easy to fall into,

  • but we are trying to solve the problem of crime,

  • not ignore it or celebrate it.

  • Solve it, not manage it within a power framework that perpetuates

  • the violence that gave birth to the criminal behaviour in the first place

  • and foster a society that less provokes crime and violence to begin with,

  • not simply extend the prison bandage further.

  • As the work of James Gilligan, Wilkinson and Pickett in the book

  • 'The Spirit Level' and the work of many others now makes it clear:

  • to mistreat a human being, to deprive, limit and shame a human being

  • is a sure-fire way of developing more aberrant and violent behaviour.

  • Shake a glass jar with ants in it and they will fight.

  • Shake it as a punishment, they'll just fight some more, ad infinitum.

  • So, I took up the cab driver's challenge

  • and looked for alternative prisons or other approaches.

  • I didn't have to look too far. Nestled in the mountains of Styria in Austria,

  • in the little mining town of Leoben, lies a prison so unrecognisable

  • that it actually made viral email rounds in 2008.

  • Comments to the effect of: "Perhaps I should go and commit some crimes

  • so I can get into this holiday camp! " were rife in the description

  • and even ended up echoed under the byline of a New York times article

  • that described the prison and talked to the architect.

  • So, I thought I'd go and have a look at this place

  • and ask the prison warden what his thoughts on the feasibility, function

  • and the role of prison were. So, Ladies and Gentleman, I went to prison,

  • (which I'm sure you're pleased about.)

  • Magister Manfred Giessauf and the Chief Guard

  • both gave two generous hours of their time,

  • allowed me to record our interview and even showed me around the prison!

  • It features a library, built-in artworks into the wall-space

  • that were designed to be added to by prisoners, exercise rooms

  • and outdoor areas which allow prisoners to become used to seeing distance;

  • that's something you don't get, and people forget.

  • We take distance for granted.

  • The whole edifice is glass structured to deliberately allow light in.

  • Consequently the prisoners, not shrouded in darkness,

  • have at least some chance to feel that they're in an institution

  • that is designed for rehabilitation.

  • Consequent to the design, the courses on social reintegration

  • offer to prisoners the basic foundation of the prison's modus operandi.

  • Prisoner violence is much lower, as are the statistics on absenteeism

  • for prison guards; it's about a quarter of what absenteeism is

  • for guards in normal prisons, so they're also not suffering.

  • The basic tenet of this prison is literally unavoidable,

  • sandblasted onto the wall, it states:

  • "Jeder, dem seine Freiheit entzogen ist, muss menschlich

  • und mit Achtung vor dem Menschen

  • innewohnendenrde behandelt werden",

  • "All persons deprived of their liberty shall be treated with humanity

  • and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person."

  • That comes from the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

  • [Applause]

  • Yeah, give them a round of applause!

  • (They're lovely people. They didn't even question

  • what I was asking them for.)

  • Leoben Correctional Center's budget was about €50 million.

  • It was completed in 2007,

  • and had been commissioned through an architectural contest, actually.

  • "But for €50 million," I asked, "why not just build more prisons

  • or save money and build a cheaper prison?

  • After all, isn't being economical to do with saving money,

  • cheapening processes, cutting services, trimming the fat?"

  • The answer came:

  • "It all depends on if you count in the social cost

  • to the social economy. You can always build cheaper prisons.

  • You may well build a prison whose edifice is cheaper;

  • but if you run a prison like the American Supermax Prisons,

  • you build human time bombs.

  • They are released at some point too, and who knows

  • what the social costs are of such an act.

  • At the very least, we cannot release prisoners who are worse

  • than they were when we received them."

  • I'll admit that Leoben is not a complete test case for prison reform or alteration.

  • There are no 'lifers' in this system,

  • and highly violent criminals are not sent there.

  • Ironically, most of the criminals are there for monetary crimes,

  • crimes which will most likely be repeated once they're on the outside

  • since they're not likely to receive good job prospects

  • and most likely have large debts for which they went to prison to begin with.

  • It may be a gilded cage, but it is still a cage,

  • and still limited in its use and abilities by the overall functioning

  • or indeed the dysfunction of the society that ends up populating its buildings.

  • It is still a bandage, but a bandage we can learn from,

  • whose values come from the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights:

  • the rights of human beings, therefore,

  • being the starting point from which to work and not profit

  • or cheapness or anything so absurdly slavish

  • as the US, UK or Australia's private prison enterprises.

  • As a species, we have to understand

  • that the desire to see others imprisoned is simply the same violence

  • that we see in crime.

  • The punishment we inflict on prisoners is the same violence

  • we claim to be condemning by acting in that way.

  • Above all, it needs to be realized

  • that prison isn't there to solve any problems.

  • It's another outgrowth of violence and systematized power and control.

  • To solve crime, to live in a non-violent society

  • is to live in a society in which prisons are eradicated.

  • We concentrate our efforts on the positive therapies that prevent violence,

  • and at the same time strive for a society

  • that prevents violence from the outset.

  • To do so is to solve the prison issue.

  • [Applause]

  • To base a physical institution on human rights is to seek

  • the physical modification of that edifice in line with human needs:

  • sunlight, space, social interaction; to base it on function

  • rather than form requires the ignoring of the balance sheet

  • in favour of the successful function of the system upon human beings

  • and not the bottom line of some corporation that benefits some small section

  • of society's populace that happen to be working for them at that time.

  • Of course, it's not their fault, is it? The whole point of this

  • is that they're also prisoners of the debt system which is then used

  • and systematized and creates the prison system.

  • Above all, to solve the problem of crime

  • is not to build more prisons like is continually said

  • on those Question Time things,

  • any more than the solution to a disease is to spend

  • more time in a hospital building, rather than treat the illness

  • that is debilitating, obstructing and undermining the body.

  • The solution to disease is the eradication

  • or healing of its non-functioning elements.

  • The solution to the disease of crime and the illness of society

  • is a ground-up reorientation of social function

  • to halt the consequences of social malfunction,

  • or what we call crime.

  • Until then, we change nothing

  • until we change ourselves and what we value; and we make it known.

  • Currently, we service problems as cheaply and as forcefully as possible.

  • As such, prison is a cheap service of a problem

  • not a correct fix to our issues of crime.

  • Broadly speaking, prison is the social distillation

  • of our attitudes to the human mind and the individual.

  • One day, if our cultural assumptions and economic principles grow

  • to a solution-oriented scenario with respect to social cohesion

  • and true sustainability, our future population

  • will look back at our era with arguably more horror

  • than we now look back on the prior societies of torture

  • and brute violence like we did at the beginning of this presentation,

  • for we had the scientific understandings of what works

  • and we did not act upon them.

  • I want you to feel the gaze of future humanity

  • looking back onto our era now, looking back onto when you were alive.

  • Place yourself in the future and look now, backwards,

  • with the horror they will feel.

  • Until we become the groundwork for that future population,

  • they will not stop looking at us in horror, disbelief

  • and with regret and pathos, for they will understand us better

  • than we understand ourselves and our prisoners now.

  • For them, indeed, we are all prisoners.

  • Now, thank you very much, I'd like to thank all the speakers

  • who spoke here today.

  • [Applause]

  • They do it for free!

  • They do it because it's fun.

  • I'd like to thank all of you for having come along.

  • It's very kind of you; it is not taken for granted, ever.

  • We are going to go down the road to a pub! Please join us.

  • It's only about 300 yards away on the other side of the road; it's on a corner.

  • Sorry, I've forgotten the name of it. We'll be there all night,

  • drinking and answering questions and asking you questions, as well.

  • Thank you again.

  • [Applause]

  • Thank you, Ben.

Before that I'd spent the last year researching

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ベン・マクリーシュ - 刑務所、罰、そして利益|Z-Day 2012 [ The Zeitgeist Movement ] (ツァイトガイスト運動 (Ben McLeish - Prison, Punishment and Profit | Z-Day 2012 [ The Zeitgeist Movement ])

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    王惟惟 に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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