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  • bjbjLULU JIM LEHRER: And finally tonight, our second story on the shifting trends in

  • American life. This one is about the changing demographics of marriage. Ray Suarez has our

  • conversation. RAY SUAREZ: For decades, the fact that a sizable majority of Americans

  • were married shaped our politics, where we lived, where we worked and what we thought

  • when we heard the word family. Recently, the Pew Research Center took a look at all of

  • us over 18 and found just 51 percent are married, down from more than 70 percent in 1960. Stephanie

  • Coontz has been chronicling the changes in American marriage for a long time. She teaches

  • history and family studies at Evergreen State College in Washington and is director of research

  • on at Council on Contemporary Families. Professor Coontz, welcome. We moved in 50 years from

  • almost three-quarters of married adults to barely half. What happened? What's pushing

  • those numbers? STEPHANIE COONTZ, Evergreen State College: Well, one of the things that

  • you have to bear in mind is that 1960 was probably the most atypical year in 150 years.

  • The age of marriage was at an all-time low. Half of all women were married before they

  • got out of their teens. And the rate of marriage was at an all-time high. So, what's happened

  • since then, primarily what's driving this is the rise in the age of marriage. It's now

  • up to 26 for women and 28 for men. And that's actually a good thing, because the longer

  • a woman delays marriage, right up into her early 30s, the lower her chances of divorce.

  • But it does totally change the social weight of married households in our economy, our

  • society, our politics. RAY SUAREZ: But not only has the age at first marriage risen,

  • which, of course, that's just math. It makes a smaller number of adults married. But the

  • number of people who ve ever been married has also declined. Has marriage moved from

  • being sort of culturally mandatory to more optional? STEPHANIE COONTZ: Well, it's definitely

  • moved to being more optional. That does not mean, though, that it's not just as valued

  • -- in fact, even more valued -- than it used to be, and it doesn't mean that the majority

  • of Americans will not marry. I think that probably we're getting into a situation where

  • a slightly larger number of people will never marry than in the past, maybe 15 percent,

  • as opposed to 10 percent norm and 5 percent in the atypical 1950s. And, of course, we

  • also have some people who will live alone after divorcing. But, on the other hand, people

  • are marrying for the first time in their 40s, 50s, and 60s at younger -- at older ages than

  • ever before. So, for me, the main thing that I think we're facing here is that you can

  • no longer assume that married couple households are going to be the main places where people

  • make the major life decisions, whether that's entering into becoming sexually active, buying

  • a house, entering long-term obligations, living with somebody that is a romantic partner,

  • even having a child out of marriage. So we can no longer assume that married couple households

  • are the only place where people incur obligations, make commitments, and need help in meeting

  • their obligations. RAY SUAREZ: Well, you have talked about these big life moments, but have

  • they responded to the fact that marriage has changed in this way over the last 50 years?

  • Our tax laws, the way we build houses, the way we award property in courts, all kinds

  • of things are still built around marriage. STEPHANIE COONTZ: Absolutely. Absolutely.

  • Just look at work family policies that just assume that it's only married couples who

  • are going to have children, or that just ignore the fact that signals also have responsibility

  • for aging parents. There are so many ways in which we are still acting as though, American

  • families, we're like 1950s sitcoms, instead of the tremendous diversity. Most people will

  • marry in America, but most people will spend substantial portions of their adult life outside

  • marriage. It's a more fluid situation than it used to be. They will move through. They

  • may cohabit for a while. They may get married. They may get divorced. So these are the sorts

  • of things that our social policy and even our emotional expectations of family life

  • have to catch up with these changing realities. RAY SUAREZ: Along with the long-term trends,

  • there are some short-term ones, too. The number of newlyweds is way down. Is that going to

  • push that 50 percent threshold down, so that married people are a minority of American

  • adults? STEPHANIE COONTZ: It may. It may. It depends how long this recession and the

  • aftermath of the recession lasts. This is a long-term trend, the decline in the proportion

  • of married couples in the population, but it's been definitely, I think, exacerbated

  • by the recession. But, on the other hand, we may see some bounce-back after that, as

  • we have in previous recessions and depressions, when the marriage rate fell. RAY SUAREZ: How

  • is who gets married shaped by income, education, factors like that? STEPHANIE COONTZ: Well,

  • one of the things we're seeing is a tremendous class divide in the access to stable, satisfying

  • relationships, whether married or cohabiting. And the marriages of college-educated couples

  • have been getting more and more stable. The divorce rates have been falling. But that's

  • not so for high school dropouts and even increasingly for high school-educated couples. It seems

  • that one of the issues going on here is that we expect more of marriage than ever before,

  • both as an economic partnership and as an emotional partnership. And as it becomes possible

  • or less possible to count on a man having a steady job -- the real wages of high school

  • graduates today are $4 an hour lower in constant dollars than they were back in 1970. They're

  • much more likely to experience job insecurity, much less likely to have pensions. So, a woman

  • -- low-income women making a decision about marrying such a man has to figure out, well,

  • what are the benefits of this, as compared to the possibility that we might divorce in

  • the future or as compared to what would happen if I invested in my own education and earnings

  • power? And, so, I do think we're seeing a class divide that's quite troublesome. I think

  • that it partly reflects growing economic inequality in our society, but, of course, it exacerbates

  • it as well. RAY SUAREZ: Stephanie Coontz, thanks for joining us. STEPHANIE COONTZ: My

  • pleasure, Ray. Thank you. urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags PlaceType urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags

  • PlaceName urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags country-region urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags

  • State urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags place JIM LEHRER: And finally tonight, our

  • second story on the shifting trends in American life Normal Microsoft Office Word JIM LEHRER:

  • And finally tonight, our second story on the shifting trends in American life Title Microsoft

  • Office Word Document MSWordDoc Word.Document.8

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なぜ結婚するアメリカ人が減っているのか? (Why Are Fewer Americans Getting Married?)

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    Anita Liu に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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