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  • English subtitle

  • In the 17th century, when Galilei discovered that

  • the Earth turned around the Sun instead of the other way around

  • many people were in a state of great shock.

  • They had thus far believed that humans were at the center of the cosmos

  • and around this idea they had built their entire belief system.

  • Suddenly, this did not seem to be the case anymore.

  • Foucault's theory can be clarified by pointing out that

  • he takes a Galilei-type standpoint in relation to culture.

  • Since the time of Galilei,

  • people had thought that when it came to culture and society

  • humans were at the center.

  • After all, it is they who created them.

  • Foucault denies this.

  • He says that when it comes to culture, it is not the subject that counts

  • but the structure, the universal.

  • Something that is in itself understandable if one realizes

  • that the rules according to which mankind behaves

  • were already invented long before one was born

  • and that the name of the inventor remains completely unknown to us.

  • One can compare Foucault to Galilei, but from another perspective,

  • one can also compare Chomsky to Galilei

  • because his work in the science of language, linguistics,

  • has had a great revolutionary influence all over the world.

  • Chomsky has brought about a major transformation in the field of linguistics.

  • Interestingly, Chomsky's theories point in the exact opposite direction

  • as those of Foucault.

  • Chomsky gives much more primacy to the subject.

  • In the confrontation between these two completely different thinkers,

  • it is moreover good to remember that they work in very different fields.

  • Foucault is a cultural researcher; Chomsky is a language researcher.

  • In other words, Foucault's interest lies in the history of scientific language,

  • while Chomsky's interest lies in the daily language we use.

  • It is interesting, and maybe also not coincidental

  • that the debate between these two thinkers only really

  • gets exciting in the second half when they start discussing politics.

  • Still I believe it is good that this is preceded by a theoretical part

  • because in any discussion about philosophy and society

  • what matters are not the political standpoints

  • certain thinkers happen to take, but rather

  • the arguments on the basis of which they do so.

  • It might also be nice to note that this discussion took place

  • in the auditorium of the technical college of Eindhoven.

  • A discussion between two philosophers, two researchers

  • whose work is characterized by great precision, great detail

  • and also great clarity.

  • Moreover I thought it was quite symbolic that the debate took place

  • in a space with a lot of glass:

  • the inner- and outer-world blended together.

  • During the broadcast you could see the traffic outside passing by.

  • Symbolic indeed, because the relationship between inner- and outer-world

  • is central to the first half of the fourth philosophers' debate

  • about human nature and the ideal society.

  • Ladies and gentlemen, welcome at the fourth debate

  • of the International Philosophers' Project.

  • Tonight's debaters are Mr. Michel Foucault de College de France

  • and Mr. Noam Chomsky of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

  • Both philosophers have points in common and points of difference.

  • Perhaps the best way to compare both philosophers is to look at them

  • as mountain-diggers working at the opposite sides of the same mountain

  • with different tools, without knowing even

  • if they are working in each other's direction.

  • All learning concerning man,

  • ranging from history to linguistics and psychology,

  • are faced with the question of whether, in the last instance,

  • we are the product of all kinds of external factors

  • or if, in spite of our differences,

  • we have something we could call a common human nature

  • by which we can call each other human beings.

  • So my first question is to Mr. Chomsky,

  • because you, Mr. Chomsky, employ often the concept of human nature

  • and even in this connection you are using terms

  • like "innate ideas" and "innate structures".

  • Which arguments can you derive from linguistics in order to give

  • such a central position to this notion of human nature?

  • Well, let me begin in a slightly technical way.

  • A person who is interested in studying languages is faced with,

  • with a very definite empirical problem.

  • He's faced with an organism, a mature, let's say adult speaker,

  • who has somehow acquired an amazing range of abilities,

  • which enable him in particular to uh.. say what he means,

  • to understand what people say to him,

  • to do this in a.. in a fashion that I think is proper to call highly creative.

  • Now, the person who has acquired this intricate

  • and highly articulated and organized uh.. collection of abilities,

  • the collection of abilities that we call knowing a language,

  • that person has been exposed to a certain experience,

  • he has been presented in the course of his lifetime

  • with a certain amount of data, of..

  • of direct experience with a language.

  • And we can investigate the data that's available to this person.

  • And having done so, in principle, we're faced with a ver clear, reasonably clear

  • and well-delineated scientific problem, namely the problem

  • of accounting for the gap between the really quite small quantity of data,

  • small and rather degenerate quantity of data

  • that's presented to the person, to the child,

  • and the very highly articulated, highly systematic, uh.. profoundly organized

  • uh.. resulting knowledge that he somehow derives from this data.

  • uh.. Furthermore, even more remarkable, we notice that

  • in a wide range of languages, in fact all that have been studied seriously,

  • there are remarkable limitations on the kinds of systems that emerge

  • from the very different kinds of experience to which people are exposed.

  • Well, this.. there is only one possible explanation for it,

  • in.. in a.. one can say in a rather schematic fashion,

  • for this uh.. remarkable phenomenon, namely

  • the assumption that the individual himself uh.. contributes uh.. a good deal,

  • an overwhelming part in fact, of the general schematic structure

  • and perhaps even of the specific content of the knowledge

  • that he ultimately derives from this very scattered and limited experience.

  • That is, to put it rather loosely, the child must begin with the knowledge,

  • certainly not with the knowledge that he's hearing

  • English or Dutch or French or something else,

  • but he does start with the knowledge that he's hearing a human language

  • of a very narrow and explicit type

  • that permits a very small range of variation.

  • And it is because he begins with that

  • highly organized and very restrictive schematism,

  • that he's able to make the huge leap from scattered and degenerate data

  • to highly organized knowledge.

  • And I would claim then that this instinctive knowledge, if you like,

  • this schematism that makes it possible to derive

  • complex and intricate knowledge on the basis of very partial data,

  • is one fundamental constituent of human nature.

  • And I assume that in other domains of human intelligence,

  • in other domains of human cognition and even behavior,

  • something of the same sort must be true.

  • Well, the collection of this uh.. mass of uh.. innate sche.. schematisms, uh.. innate orga uh.. organizing principles

  • uh.. which guides our social and intellectual uh.. and individual behavior,

  • that's what I mean to refer to by the concept of human nature.

  • Well, Mr. Foucault, eh.. If I am thinking at your books like

  • "L'histoire de la folie" et "Les mots et les choses",

  • I get the impression that you are working on a completely different level

  • and also chosen an opposite aim and opposite goal.

  • If I am thinking about the word schematism in relation to human nature,

  • then you are just trying to work out that

  • there are several periods, several schematisms.

  • What do you think about this?

  • Well if you permit, I will answer in French because my English is so bad

  • that I would be ashamed to.. answer in English.

  • It is true that I mistrust the notion of human nature a little

  • and for the following reason:

  • I believe that of the concepts or notions that a science can use

  • not all have the same degree of elaboration.

  • Let's take the example of biology.

  • Within the field of biology,

  • there are concepts that are more or less well-established

  • like the concept of a "reflex".

  • But there also exist "peripheral" notions,

  • which do not play an "organizing" role within science,

  • they are not instruments of analysis

  • and they are not descriptive either.

  • These notions simply serve to point out some problems

  • or rather to point out certain fields in need of study.

  • For instance, there exists a very important concept in the field of biology:

  • the concept of life.

  • In the 17th and 18th centuries,

  • the notion of life was hardly used when studying nature.

  • One classified natural beings, whether living or non-living,

  • in a vast hierarchical tableau.

  • Life was a concept they didn't use and didn't need.

  • At the end of the 18th century, a number of problems arose

  • for instance in relation to the internal organization of these natural beings.

  • Moreover, thanks to the use of the microscope,

  • different sorts of phenomena suddenly came to light,

  • which could not have been perceived until then

  • and whose mechanisms and function had been unclear in the past.

  • The developments in chemistry have also highlighted certain problems

  • in relation to the connections between

  • chemical reactions and the physiological processes of organisms.

  • And that's how an entire field appeared,

  • one that was completely new for biologists,

  • one that is nowadays known as life.

  • Life was a concept that served to point out

  • new fields of study that science still had to discover.

  • I would say, as a historian of science,

  • that the concept of life was an epistemological indicator,

  • an index of the problems that still had to be uncovered.

  • And I wonder whether one could say the same thing about human nature.

  • Foucault is therefore comparing Chomsky's concept of human nature

  • with the concept of life as it is used in biology and in its history.

  • He does this because he sees the concept of human nature

  • more as an indication of a research program

  • rather than as an indication of humans' potential for achievement.

  • For him, human nature acts as a scientific shopping list and nothing more.

  • Chomsky is willing to accept this as long as it is clear

  • that the fields of biology, physiology and neurology

  • still don't have the means to

  • adequately describe human nature and human capacity for language.

  • Quite early on in the debate, the moderator Mr. Elders finds it difficult

  • to keep the interaction flowing between the two speakers.

  • This is partly due to the different languages they speak,

  • but most importantly due to the fact that

  • Chomsky and Foucault inhabit such different worlds of thought,

  • to the point in which their ideas easily slide past each other.

  • We actually observe the curious phenomenon

  • of two brains thinking simultaneously,

  • where one picks up the last claim of the other

  • in order to further elucidate it from his own system of thought.

  • For Chomsky the concept of creativity plays a great role,

  • and the following part of the debate will be largely dedicated to this issue.

  • For him, creativity is actually a characteristic of all human beings.

  • Everybody uses it.

  • People stuck in traffic who, unexpectedly and on the spot,

  • have to think about what to do next.

  • A teacher who doesn't want to fall into a pattern of authoritarian behavior

  • but when confronted with a difficult pupil,

  • has to come up with an alternative type of behavior.

  • But above all, this creativity applies to the child who learns a language

  • and who curiously learns to produce new language.

  • Foucault is opposed to this idea.

  • He constantly emphasizes the so-called "epistemological field"

  • within which human activity takes place.

  • This "epistemological field" or "episteme" is described

  • as the totality of unconscious rules

  • that manage the totality of all separated fields of knowledge.

  • Foucault also talks of "tableau", which he also calls "system of elements".

  • In the debate he also mentions the word "grille": bar or grid.

  • Perhaps it's best to understand it as a network

  • that all people are part of in a certain culture, whether they want it or not.

  • It is a set of rules to which people obey in their thoughts

  • and derive their search for identity, coherence and so forth.

  • This network is not a creation of particular individuals:

  • It decides the rules of the "think-and-do" habits we call culture,

  • which every individual is subjected to.

  • Such a network is not a "thing" or an "idea":

  • it lies precisely in between the two.

  • For Foucault, the history of thought is not associated with

  • the history of ideas or with the development of the mind,

  • rather it should be understood as discontinuous transformations,

  • transitioning from one network to another.

  • Foucault's approach highly differs from Chomsky's,

  • for whom creativity plays a central role.

  • At this point we clearly realize Foucault's tendency

  • to dethrone the subject,

  • as already illustrated with the example of Galilei.

  • The philosophy of Foucault is a philosophy in which the philosopher

  • constantly disappears from sight.

  • One could say that, paradoxically, it is a philosophy without philosophers:

  • an idea that has to be generalized

  • because people are, according to Foucault,

  • greatly absent within their own culture.

  • In this respect, we can understand Foucault's strong and negative reaction

  • towards the moderator who showed interest in his private matters.

  • When Foucault debates, it is about everything except Foucault himself.

  • This is an introduction to the following,

  • quite detailed theoretical part of the debate,

  • which seems to mainly focus on one question:

  • To what extent is the individual able to discover something new,

  • and if so, how should we make sense of this?

  • This seems to me to be a very relevant question,

  • especially if we remind ourselves that

  • new forms of behavior, knowledge and science will need to be unveiled

  • as long as we want to survive together in this world.

  • We resume the debate where Foucault explains

  • why he does not pay much attention to the creativity of the individual

  • from a historical perspective.

  • Within the traditional history of science,

  • the creativity of individuals has been accorded maximum importance.

  • The history of science, up until recently, essentially consisted of showing

  • how an individual, whether it was Newton or Mendel, had been the creator

  • or rather the discoverer of a reality

  • that was already existing in things and in the world,

  • a reality that no other person had previously discovered.

  • I believe the postulate that lies dormant

  • within the traditional history of science is

  • that truth exists in order to be known, yet

  • the human mind, due to the effect of a number of inhibitions or obstacles,

  • has not managed to see this truth.

  • The mind is made to see the truth and

  • a contingent obstacle is impeding him to see it.

  • According to some historians, this obstacle could be linked to

  • socio-economic conditions, or to different forms of mentality,

  • or to the belief and naivety in old religious myths and moral themes.

  • All of these could act as obstacles, as blinders

  • to those who want to see the truth.

  • In reality the mind is meant to see, it is made to have access to the truth.

  • In this traditional conception of the history of science,

  • on the one hand there is an emphasis on the creativity of the individual

  • who has the right to possess the truth,

  • and yet this truth is taken back from him due to a system of obstacles

  • which will prevent him from capturing, formulating and

  • constructing this truth to which he is essentially entitled to possess.

  • I believe the problem that is being posed is the exact opposite.

  • What happens when we witness a great scientific transformation?

  • In a great scientific transformation, for instance the birth of biology

  • in the mid 17th century, or the birth of philology

  • at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century.

  • It is true that a number of obstacles, prejudices

  • and preconceived ideas tumble and disappear.

  • What strikes me is that science, at the moment of its birth,

  • not only gets rid of a certain number of obstacles,

  • but also eliminates and masks a certain amount

  • of existing knowledge and wisdoms.

  • It's as if applying a new grid

  • that, while it allows for the appearance of phenomena

  • that had been previously masked, it also masks

  • already existing knowledge.

  • Therefore a science, the advancement of science

  • and the acquisition of science,

  • is not simply the oblivion of old prejudices, or the fall of certain obstacles.

  • It is a new grid that masks certain things

  • while allowing for the appearance of new knowledge.

  • Therefore, when I criticize the notion of creativity, what I mean is that

  • truth is not acquired through a kind of continuous and cumulative creation,

  • but through a set of grids stacked on top of one another.

  • I think in part we're slightly talking in cross-purposes

  • because of a different use of the term creativity.

  • In fact, I should say that my use of the term creativity

  • is a little bit idiosyncratic

  • and therefore the onus falls on me, not on you in this case.

  • But when I speak of creativity, I'm not uh.. attributing to the concept

  • the uh.. the notion of value that is normal when we speak of creativity.

  • That is, when you speak of scientific creativity,

  • you're speaking, properly, of the achievements of a Newton.

  • But in the context in which I have been speaking about creativity,

  • it's a normal human event.

  • I'm speaking of the kind of creativity that any child uh.. demonstrates

  • when he's able to come to grips with a new situation:

  • uh.. describe it properly, react to it properly, tell us something about it,

  • uh.. think about it in a new fashion for him and so on.

  • These are.. I think it's appropriate to call those creative acts,

  • but of course without thinking of those acts as being the acts of a Newton.

  • It's the lower levels of creativity that I've been speaking of.

  • Now, as far as what you say about the history of science is concerned,

  • , I think that's correct and illuminating,and .. particularly

  • relevant in fact to the kinds of enterprise that I see uh.. lying before us

  • in psychology and linguistics and the philosophy of the mind.

  • That is, I think there are certain topics that have been,

  • what is your word, repressed or put aside,

  • during the uh.. scientific advances of the past few centuries, century and a half.

  • But now, I think we can uh.. overcome those.

  • It's possible to put aside those limitations and forgettings,

  • and to bring into our consideration precisely the topics that animated

  • a good deal of the thinking and speculation of the 17th and 18th century,

  • and to incorporate it within a much broader

  • and I think deeper uh.. science of man that will uh.. give a fuller role,

  • though it is certainly hoped.. not to give a complete understanding

  • to such notions as innovation and creativity and uh.. freedom

  • and uh.. the production of new entity.. new elements of thought and behavior

  • within some system of rule and schematism.

  • Those are concepts that I think we can come to grips with.

  • I believe that what Mr. Chomsky said and what I tried to show

  • is actually very similar.

  • Indeed, there exist only possible creations, possible innovations.

  • In terms of language or knowledge,

  • one can only produce something new by putting into play

  • a certain number of rules that will define

  • the acceptability or the grammaticality of certain statements

  • or which will define, in the case of knowledge,

  • the scientific character of the statements.

  • Thus, we can roughly say that linguists before Mr. Chomsky mainly insisted

  • on the rules of construction of statements

  • and less on the innovation represented by every new statement,

  • or the hearing of a new statement.

  • In the history of science or in the history of thought

  • we placed more emphasis on individual creation.

  • We had kept aside and left in the shadows these communal, general rules

  • which obscurely manifest themselves through every scientific discovery,

  • every scientific invention, and even every philosophical innovation.

  • These are not only linguistic rules but also epistemological rules,

  • which characterize contemporary knowledge.

  • Well, I think, perhaps I can try to react to those comments

  • within my own framework in a way

  • which maybe will shed some light on this.

  • How is it that we are able to construct any kind of scientific theory at all?

  • How is it that, given a small amount of data,

  • it's possible for various scientists, for various geniuses even,

  • over a long period of time,

  • to arrive at some kind of a theory, at least in some cases,

  • that is more or less profound and more or less empirically adequate?

  • This is a remarkable fact.

  • And, in fact, if it were not the case that these scientists,

  • including the geniuses had..

  • if they didn't have built into their minds somehow an obviously

  • unconscious specification of what is a possible scientific theory,

  • then this inductive leap would certainly be quite impossible.

  • Just as if each child did not have built into his mind

  • the concept of human language in a very natural.., in a very narrowing way,

  • then the inductive leap from data

  • to knowledge of a language would be impossible.

  • So even though the process of, let's say

  • deriving knowledge of physics from data

  • is far more complex, far more difficult for us, for a.. for an organism such as us,

  • far more drawn out in time, requiring intervention of genius, so on and so forth.

  • Nevertheless in a certain sense, it rolled.. the achievement

  • of discovering physical science

  • or biology or whatever you like,

  • is based on something rather similar to the achievement of the normal child

  • in discovering the structure of his language. That is, it must be achieved

  • on the basis of an initial limitation,

  • an initial restriction on the class of possible theories.

  • And the fact that science converges and progresses, that itself shows us

  • that such initial limitations and structures exist.

  • That is, I don't think that scientific progress is simply a matter of

  • accumulative addition of new knowledge

  • and uh.. absorption of new theories and so on.

  • Rather I think it has this sort of jagged pattern that you describe,

  • forgetting certain problems and leaping to new theories and so on and so forth.

  • transforming the same knowledge

  • Right. But I think that the explanation for that, I think one can perhaps

  • hazard an explanation for that fact. And, oversimplifying grossly,

  • I really don't mean what I'm not going to say now literally,

  • it's as if, as human beings of a particular biologically given organism,

  • we have in our heads, to start with,

  • a certain set of possible intellectual structures, possible sciences.

  • Now, in the lucky event that some aspect of reality

  • happens to have the character of one of these structures in our mind,

  • then we have a science.

  • And it's because of this, it's because of this limitation, initial limitation in our minds

  • to a certain kind of possible science, it's precisely that that provides

  • the tremendous richness and creativity of scientific knowledge.

  • That is if it were not.. it's important to stress that,

  • this has to do with your point about limitation and freedom,

  • if it were not for these limitations,

  • we would not have the creative act of going

  • from a little bit of knowledge, a little bit of experience,

  • to a rich and highly articulated and complicated array of knowledge.

  • It's precisely because of that that the progress of science, I think, has

  • the uh.. erratic and jagged and transformational character that you described.

  • And that doesn't mean that everything is ultimately going to fall

  • within the domain of science. Quite the contrary.

  • Personally I believe that many of the things we would like to understand,

  • and maybe the things we would most like to understand,

  • such as the nature of man, or the nature of a decent society,

  • or lots of other things,

  • might really fall outside the scope of possible human sciences.

  • Well I think we have now two uh.. two questions out of this statement.

  • One question is: if you can agree, Mr. Foucault,

  • do you agree with the statement

  • about the combination of limitation, fundamental limitation?

  • Not a combination.

  • Creativity only becomes possible thanks to a system of rules:

  • it is not a mixture of order and freedom.

  • Freedom can only be truly exercised thanks to a system of regularity.

  • Where perhaps I don't completely agree with Mr. Chomsky is when

  • he places these regularities within the sphere

  • of the human mind or human nature.

  • I ask myself whether one cannot discover

  • this system of regularity and of constraint

  • that makes science possible,

  • somewhere else, even outside the human mind:

  • in social forms, in relations of production, in class struggles, etc.

  • But what is the reason for you to discuss the death of man

  • or the end of the period of the 19th and 20th century?

  • But this is not related to what we are talking about.

  • I don't know, because I was trying to apply

  • what you have said in relation to your anthropological concept.

  • You have already refused to speak

  • about your own creativity and freedom, right?

  • Well, I'm wondering what are the psychological reasons for this.

  • Wait. You can wonder about it, but I can't help that.

  • But what are the objective reasons,

  • in relation to your perception of understanding,

  • of knowledge, of science, for refusing to answer personal questions?

  • Does it have to do with your conception of society?

  • When there is a problem for you to answer a question,

  • what are your reasons for making a problem out of a personal question?

  • No, I'm not making a problem out of a personal question.

  • I make of a personal question an absence of a problem.

  • In the entire tradition of the history of thought, ideas and sciences,

  • one has always questioned the problem of knowing.

  • At what age was Newton weaned

  • in order to conceive the law of universal gravitation?

  • At which period did Cuvier meet his first mistress

  • in order to finally make the discovery of fossils

  • and of comparative anatomy, etc.?

  • I believe these types of analyses, which I am now caricaturing,

  • are not very interesting.

  • It is much more interesting to understand

  • the transformations of a certain knowledge

  • within the general field of science and within the so-called vertical field,

  • which consists of a society, a culture,

  • a civilization at a particular moment in time.

  • Once we finally grasp the totality of this transformation,

  • we realize that the little individual moments

  • of a wise man's life are not important.

  • Foucault's last comment suggests yet again

  • how the individual life of the researcher tends to disappear from sight.

  • But then what about the relation between man and his culture

  • when it comes to politics, also when asking the question

  • of how we can change culture and society?

  • After all, one can show that in the history of science and culture,

  • the input of the individual plays an almost negligible role,

  • but the question 'how do I act?', the political question, remains standing.

  • It may thus become clear by now

  • that the political question, from Foucault's perspective,

  • rapidly develops into "how far can mankind escape from its own culture?"

  • It is important to note that Foucault

  • doesn't want to distance himself from politics. In the contrary, he says:

  • I would have to be ideologically blind to not interest myself for that

  • which is most substantial to human existence:

  • economic relations, power relations, you name it.

  • Therefore, Chomsky and Foucault do agree

  • on the importance of the political question.

  • It may also be informative to explicitly mention

  • that Chomsky defines anarcho-syndicalism as his political standpoint.

  • In his opinion, it is necessary to abolish the different forms of capitalism

  • in order to favor direct workers' participation in workers' councils and so on.

  • Decentralization, socialization and participation

  • are keywords in Chomsky's political program.

  • Chomsky might say he sees no obvious relationship

  • between his scientific and political views,

  • but the following opening statement reveals

  • that he heads straight from his scientific conceptions to politics.

  • His political and scientific views may not flow logically from one another,

  • but they certainly are heading in the same direction.

  • Let.. Well, let.. Let me begin by referring to something that we have already discussed.

  • That is, if it is correct, as I believe it is,

  • that a fundamental element of human nature is the need for uh.. creative work

  • for creative inquiry, for uh.. For free creation uh..

  • without the arbitrary limiting effects of coercive institutions,

  • then, of course, it will follow that a decent society should

  • maximize the possibilities for this

  • fundamental human characteristic to be realized.

  • That means trying to overcome the uh.. elements of repression and oppression

  • and destruction and coercion that exist in any existing society,

  • ours for example, as a historical residue.

  • Now a federated, decentralized uh.. system of free associations,

  • incorporating economic as well as social institutions,

  • would be what I refer to as anarcho-syndicalism.

  • And it seems to me that it's the appropriate uh.. form of social organization

  • for an advanced technological society, in which human beings

  • do not have to be forced into the position of tools, of cogs in the machine;

  • in which the creative urge the uh.. that I think is intrinsic to human nature,

  • will in fact be able to realize itself in whatever way it will,

  • I don't know all the ways in which it will.

  • In this respect, I would say I am much less advanced than Mr. Chomsky.

  • That is, I admit not being able to define, not even to propose,

  • an ideal social model for the functioning

  • of our scientific or technological society.

  • However, one of the tasks that seems urgent and immediate to me,

  • over and above anything else, is this:

  • it is the custom, at least in our European society,

  • to consider that power is localized in the hands of the government

  • and that it is exercised through a certain number of particular institutions,

  • such as the administration, the police or the army.

  • One knows that all these institutions are made to transmit and apply orders

  • and to punish those who don't obey.

  • But I believe that political power also exercises itself

  • through the mediation of a certain number of institutions

  • that appear to have nothing in common with political power

  • and as if they are independent from it, but in fact they are not.

  • One knows that the university and more generally all teaching systems,

  • which simply appear to disseminate knowledge,

  • are made to maintain a certain social class in power

  • and to exclude the instruments of power of another social class.

  • Another example is psychiatry,

  • which in appearance is also intended for the good of humanity

  • is at the knowledge of psychiatrists.

  • Psychiatry is another way to bring to bear

  • the political power over a social class.

  • Justice is yet again another example.

  • It seems to me that the real political task in our contemporary society

  • is to criticize the workings of institutions,

  • particularly the ones that appear neutral and independent,

  • and to attack them in such a way that the political violence,

  • which has always exercised itself obscurely through them,

  • will finally be unmasked so that one can fight against them.

  • If we seek to advance straight away

  • a profile or a formula of the future society

  • without having thoroughly criticized all the relations between

  • the different forms of political violence that are exercised within our society,

  • we run the risk of letting them reproduce

  • even as the noble and apparently pure forms, such as anarcho-syndicalism.

  • Yes, I.. I would certainly agree with that, not only in theory but also in action.

  • That is, there are two intellectual tasks:

  • one, and the one which I was discussing,

  • is to try to create the vision of a future just society.

  • Another task is to understand very clearly the nature of power

  • and oppression and terror and destruction in our own society.

  • And that certainly includes the institutions you mentioned, as well as

  • the central institutions of any industrial society, namely

  • the uh.. The economic, commercial and financial institutions, in particular

  • in the coming period, the great multinational corporations,

  • which are not very far from us physically tonight.

  • uh.. those are the basic institutions of uh..

  • oppression and coercion and autocratic rule

  • that appear to be neutral; after all they say:

  • Well, we're subject to the democracy of the market place

  • Still, I think it would be a great shame to lose or put aside entirely

  • the somewhat more abstract and philosophical, if you like, task of

  • trying to draw the connections between a concept of human nature

  • that gives full scope to freedom

  • and dignity and creativity and other fundamental human characteristics,

  • and uh.. relate that to uh.. some notion of social structure in which those properties

  • could be realized and in which meaningful human life could take place.

  • And in fact, if we are thinking of social transformation or social revolution,

  • though it would be absurd of course to draw out in detail

  • the point that we are hoping to reach;

  • still we should know something about where we think we are going,

  • and such a theory may tell it to us.

  • Yes, but then isn't there a danger here?

  • If you say that a certain human nature exists,

  • that this human nature has not been given in our contemporary society

  • the rights and possibilities

  • that will allow it to realize itself...

  • That's really what you have said, I believe.

  • And if one admits this, doesn't one risk defining this human nature,

  • which is at the same time ideal and real,

  • which has been hidden and repressed until now,

  • doesn't one risk defining it in terms

  • borrowed from our society, from our civilization, from our culture?

  • I will give an example by greatly simplifying it.

  • Marxism, at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century,

  • admitted that in capitalist societies man hadn't reached his full potential

  • for development and self-realization;

  • that human nature was effectively alienated in the capitalist system.

  • And Marxism ultimately dreamed of a liberated human nature.

  • However, what model did it use

  • to conceive and dream of this human nature?

  • It was, in fact, the bourgeois model.

  • Marxism considered that a happy society

  • was a society that gave room, for example,

  • to a bourgeois type of sexuality, to a bourgeois type of family,

  • to a bourgeois type of aesthetic.

  • And it is moreover very true that this has happened in the Soviet Union:

  • for humans to finally be able to realize their true nature

  • a kind of society, simultaneously real and utopic, had been reconstituted

  • and transposed from the bourgeois society of the 19th century.

  • The result, that you also realized, I think, is that it is difficult to conceive

  • of what human nature precisely is.

  • Isn't there a risk that we will be led into error?

  • Mao Zedong spoke of a bourgeois human nature

  • and a proletarian human nature,

  • and he believes they are not the same thing.

  • Well, you see, I think that in the intellectual domain of political action,

  • that is the domain of trying to construct a vision of a just and free society

  • on the basis of some notion of human nature,

  • in that domain we face the very same problem that we face

  • in immediate political action.

  • For example, to be quite concrete,

  • a lot of my own activity really has to do with the Vietnam War,

  • and a good deal of my own energy goes into civil disobedience.

  • Well, civil disobedience uh.. in the United States uh.. is an action undertaken uh..

  • in the face of great uncer..considerable uncertainties about its effects.

  • uh.. for example, it threatens the social order in ways which might,

  • one might argue, bring on fascism.

  • That would be very bad for America, for Vietnam,

  • for Holland and for everyone else.

  • So there is a danger, that one danger in undertaking this concrete act.

  • On the other hand there's a great danger in not undertaking it, namely

  • if you don't undertake it, the society of Indochina

  • will be torn to shreds by American power.

  • And in the face of those uncertainties one has to choose a course of action.

  • Well, similarly, in the intellectual domain, uh..

  • one is faced with the uncertainties that you correctly pose.

  • Our concept of human nature is certainly limited,

  • partial, socially conditioned, constrained by our own character defects

  • and the impacts and the limitations of the intellectual culture in which we exist.

  • Yet at the same time it's of critical importance that we have some, some direction,

  • that we know uh.. what impossible goals we're trying to achieve,

  • if we hope to achieve some of the possible goals.

  • And that means that we have to be bold enough

  • to speculate and create social theories on the basis of

  • partial knowledge, while remaining very open to the uh.. strong possibility

  • and in fact overwhelming probability, that at least in some respects

  • we're very far off the mark.

  • Well, perhaps it is interesting to go on a little bit further

  • into this problem of strategy.

  • So, for example, in the case of Holland,

  • we had something like a population census.

  • You were obliged to fill in your papers, and so on, you know.

  • So this, you would call, if you are not filling in your papers, civil disobedience?

  • Now, I would be a little bit careful about that, because uh..

  • going back to some very important point that Mr. Foucault made,

  • one does not necessarily allow the state to define what is legal.

  • The state has the power to enforce a certain concept of what is legal,

  • but power doesn't imply justice or correctness even, so the state may define

  • something as civil disobedience and may be wrong in doing so.

  • For example, in the United States, the state defines it as civil disobedience to,

  • let's say, derail an ammunition train that's going to Vietnam.

  • And the state is wrong in defining that as civil disobedience

  • because it's legal and proper and should be done.

  • It's proper to carry out actions that will prevent the criminal acts of the state,

  • just as it's proper to violate a traffic ordinance in order to prevent a murder.

  • If I was standing at a street corner and the traffic light were red,

  • let's say, I was standing in my car

  • and I drove across the traffic light to prevent somebody from, let's say

  • machine-gunning a group of people, of course that's not a violation of law.

  • It's an appropriate and proper action.

  • No sane judge would convict you for such an action.

  • Similarly, a good deal of what the state authorities

  • define as civil disobedience is not really civil disobedience.

  • In fact, it's legal, in fact an obligatory behavior

  • in violation of the commands of the state,

  • which may or may not be legal commands.

  • So one has to be rather careful about.. about calling things illegal, I think.

  • Yes, but I would like to ask you a question.

  • When, in the United States, you commit a truly illegal act...

  • Which I regard as illegal, not just the state...

  • When the state considers it illegal.

  • Do you make your action because you find it just,

  • by virtue of an ideal justice?

  • Or do you make it because class struggle renders it useful and necessary?

  • Do you refer to an ideal justice?

  • Again, very often when I do something which the state regards as illegal,

  • I regard it as legal because I regard the state as criminal.

  • But in some instances that's not true.

  • That is.., Let me be quite concrete about it and, uh..

  • move from the area of class war to imperialist war,

  • where the situation is somewhat clearer and easier.

  • Take international law, a very weak instrument as we know,

  • but nevertheless it incorporates some rather interesting principles.

  • Well, international law, in many respects, is the instrument of the powerful.

  • That is, international law permits much too wide a range

  • of interpo.. international forceful intervention

  • in support of existing power structures that define themselves as states

  • and against the interests of masses of people who happen to be

  • organized in opposition to states.

  • But, in fact, international law is not solely of that kind.

  • And in fact there are interesting elements of international law, let's say

  • embedded in the UN Charter,

  • which permit, in fact I believe require the citizen to act

  • against his own state in ways that the state will falsely regard as criminal.

  • But, nevertheless, he's acting legally, because international law

  • also happens to pro.. to prohibit the threat or use of force

  • in international affairs, except under some very narrow circumstances

  • of which, for example, the war in Vietnam is not won.

  • Which means that in the particular case of, let's say, the Vietnam War,

  • the one that interests me most,

  • the American state is acting in a criminal capacity.

  • And people have the right to stop criminals from.. from murdering people.

  • Uh.. Just because the criminal happens to call your, call your action illegal

  • when you try to stop him, it doesn't mean it is illegal.

  • I mean a perfectly clear case of that is the present case of

  • the Pentagon Papers in the U.S., which I suppose you know about.

  • Reduced to its essentials and forgetting legalisms, what is happening is

  • that the state is trying to prosecute people for exposing its crimes.

  • That's what it amounts to.

  • So it is in the name of a purer justice

  • that you criticize the functioning of justice?

  • It is important for me to know about this, because

  • in France there is currently a debate about this problem of justice

  • and that of a popular judicial institution.

  • A certain number of people, including Sartre,

  • believe that in order to make a critique of the current penal system

  • or of police practices, we have to create a kind of tribunal,

  • which in the name of an ideal, a superior and generally a human justice,

  • will condemn the practices of the French judges or policemen.

  • Moreover, there is another group of people, myself included,

  • who say this shouldn't be done because when they refer to an ideal justice,

  • which the tribunal is supposed to apply,

  • they refer to a certain number of judicial ideas that were formed in our time

  • by a certain group of individuals who are themselves,

  • directly or indirectly, a product of their societies.

  • We have to attack the practices of justice,

  • we have to attack the police and their practices:

  • but in terms of war and not in terms of justice.

  • But you see, surely you believe that your role in the war is a just role,

  • that you're fighting a just war, to bring in a concept from another domain.

  • And that, I think, has to.. is important.

  • If you thought that you were fighting an unjust war,

  • you couldn't follow that line of reasoning.

  • And the only.. see, I would like to slightly reformulate what you said.

  • It doesn't seem to me that the difference is between

  • legality and ideal justice.

  • It's rather between legality and better justice.

  • Now this better system may have its defects, it certainly will.

  • But comparing the better system with the existing system, and not

  • being confused into thinking that our better system is the ideal system,

  • we can then argue, I think, as follows: that the concept of legality

  • and the concept of justice are not identical.

  • They're not entirely distinct either.

  • uh.. Insofar as legality incorporates justice in this notion, in this sense of better justice,

  • referring to a better society, then

  • we are just, then we should follow and obey the law, and force the state to obey the law,

  • and force the great corporations to obey the law, and

  • force the police to obey the law. If we have the power to do so.

  • If in those areas where the legal system happens to represent

  • not better justice, but rather the techniques of oppression

  • that have been codified in a particular autocratic system,

  • well then a reasonable human being should disregard and oppose them,

  • at least in principle. He may not, for some reason, do it in fact.

  • I would simply like to reply to your first sentence, when you said that

  • if you didn't consider the war you wage against the police to be just,

  • you wouldn't wage it.

  • I would like to reply to you in terms of Spinoza and tell you that

  • the proletariat doesn't wage war against the ruling class

  • because it considers such a war to be just.

  • The proletariat wages war against the ruling class because it wants,

  • for the first time in history, to take power.

  • And it's because it wants to take power

  • that it considers such a war to be just.

  • Yeah, I don't agree with that.

  • One wages war to win, not because it is just.

  • I don't personally agree with that. For example, if

  • I could convince myself that attainment of power by the proletariat

  • would lead to a terroristic police state,

  • in which uh.. freedom and uh.. dignity

  • and decent human relations would be destroyed,

  • then I wouldn't want the proletariat to take power.

  • In fact the only reason for wanting any such thing, I believe, is because

  • one thinks, rightly or wrongly, that some fundamental va.. human values

  • will be achieved by that transfer of power.

  • I will answer you this:

  • When the proletariat takes power,

  • it may be quite possible that the proletariat will exert

  • towards the classes over which it has just triumphed,

  • a violent, dictatorial and even bloody power.

  • I can't see what objection anyone could make to this.

  • But if you ask me what would happen if the proletariat exerted this

  • bloody, tyrannical and unjust power towards itself, then I would say

  • this could only occur if the proletariat hadn't really taken power

  • but a class outside the proletariat,

  • or a group of people inside the proletariat,

  • or a bureaucracy or petit bourgeois elements, had taken power.

  • Well, I'm not at all satisfied with that theory of revolution

  • for a lot of reasons, historical and others.

  • But even if one were to accept it for the sake of argument,

  • still that theory uh.. is holding that.. is maintaining that it is

  • proper for the proletariat to take power and exercise it

  • in a violent and bloody and unjust fashion, because

  • it is claimed, in my opinion falsely,

  • that that will be, that will lead to a more just society,

  • in which the state will wither away, in which the proletariat

  • will be a universal class and so on and so forth.

  • If it weren't for that further justification,

  • the concept.. the concept of a dictatorship of the proletariat,

  • violent and bloody, would certainly be unjust.

  • With.. I.. I.. for example, I am not a committed pacifist.

  • That is I don't.., I would not hold that it is under all imaginable circumstances

  • wrong to use violence, even though

  • use of violence is in some sense unjust.

  • I believe that one has to estimate relative injustices.

  • But the use of violence and the creation of some degree of injustice

  • can only itself be justified on the basis of the claim and the assessment,

  • which always ought to be undertaken very, very seriously

  • and with a good deal of skepticism,

  • that this violence is being exercised because

  • a more just result is going to be achieved.

  • If it does not have that grounding, it really is totally immoral, in my opinion.

  • As far as the aim of the proletariat in leading a class struggle is concerned,

  • I don't think it would be sufficient to say that it is in itself a greater justice.

  • What the proletariat will achieve by expelling the ruling class

  • and by taking power

  • is precisely the suppression of class power in general.

  • Okay, but that's the further justification.

  • That is the further justification,

  • but not in terms of justice but in terms of power.

  • But it is in terms of justice. It's because the

  • end that will be achieved is claimed as a just end.

  • If the.., no, you know, Leninist or whatever you like, would dare to say

  • we have the right to take power, let's say we the proletaria, uh..

  • and then throw everyone else into crematoria.

  • If that were the consequence of the proletariat taking power,

  • of course it would not be appropriate.

  • The idea is, and for the reasons I mentioned I'm skeptical about it,

  • but uh.. a period of violent dictatorship,

  • of perhaps violent and bloody dictatorship, is justified because

  • that will mean the submergence and termination of class.. class oppression,

  • a proper end to achieve in human life.

  • But it seems to me that, in any case, the notion of justice itself

  • functions within a society of classes

  • as a claim made by the oppressed class

  • and as a justification by the oppressive class.

  • I don't agree with that.

  • And in a classless society,

  • I am not sure that we would still use this notion of justice.

  • Yeah. I.., well, here I really disagree. I think that

  • there is a sort of an absolute basis, uh..

  • if you press me too hard I'll be in trouble because I can't sketch it out,

  • but some sort of an absolute basis, ultimately residing in fundamental human qualities,

  • in terms of which a "real" notion of justice is grounded.

  • And I think that our existing systems of justice can't...I think it's too hasty

  • to characterize our existing systems of justice as merely systems of class oppression.

  • I don't think that they are that. I think that they are..

  • they embody systems of class oppression

  • and they embodies elements of other kinds of oppression,

  • but they embody systems of a kind of a groping towards the uh..

  • true, humanly valuable concepts of justice and decency

  • and love and kindness and sympathy and so on, which I think are real.

  • Well, do I have time to answer?

  • Yes

  • How much?

  • Two minutes.

  • Well I would say that is unjust!

  • Absolutely, yes.

  • No, but I don't want to answer in so little time.

  • I will simply say that I can't help but to think that

  • the concepts of human nature, of kindness, of justice,

  • of human essence and its realization...

  • All of these are notions and concepts

  • that have been created within our civilization,

  • our knowledge system and our form of philosophy,

  • and that, consequently, are part of our class system

  • and one can't, however regrettable it may be, put forward these concepts

  • to describe or justify a fight that should, and shall in principle,

  • overthrow the very fundaments of our society.

  • This is an extrapolation for which I can't find the historical justification.

  • Well, emm..I think we can start immediately the discussion. And

  • Mr. Chomsky, I would ask you one question.

  • In your discussion you had the vocabulary

  • "proletariat", "we as proletarians".

  • It's the irony of history that at the moment,

  • young intellectuals coming from the middle class and upper class,

  • call themselves proletarians and say "We must join the proletarians."

  • But I don't see any class-conscious proletarians,

  • and that's a great dilemma.

  • uh.. It is not true in our exis.. given society

  • that all people are doing useful, productive work

  • or self-satisfying work, obviously that's very far from true.

  • Those people, lots of people who are excluded from uh.. the possibility of productive labor.

  • And I think the rev.. revolution, if you want,

  • should be in the name of all human beings.

  • But it will have to be conducted by certain categories of human beings

  • and those will be, I think, the human beings who really are

  • involved in the productive work of society.

  • Now what that is will differ, depending on the society.

  • In our society it, I think, includes intellectual workers.

  • So I think that the student revolutionaries, if you like,

  • have a, they have a point, partial point.

  • That is, it's a very important thing in a ma.. modern advanced industrial society

  • very important, how the trained intelligentsia identify themselves.

  • If they're going to be technocrats, let's say

  • or servants of either the state or private power. Or alternatively,

  • whether they are going to identify themselves as part of the workforce

  • who happen to be doing intellectual labor. If the latter, then they play..

  • they can and should play a decent role in a progressive social revolution.

  • If the former, then they're part of the class of the oppressors.

  • I have additional, one small additional question, or more a remark to you.

  • That is that, you wish your very courageous attitude

  • towards the war in Vietnam, how can you survive in an institution like MIT,

  • which is known here as one of the Great War contractors

  • and intellectual makers of this war?

  • There are two aspects to that: one is the question how uh .. how .. MIT tolerates me,

  • and the other question is how I tolerate MIT.

  • Well, as to how MIT tolerates me, uh..

  • here again, I think, one shouldn't be overly schematic.

  • uh.. it's true that MIT is a major institution of war research.

  • But it's also true that it embodies very important

  • libertarian values, which are, I think,

  • quite deeply embedded in American society, fortunately for the world.

  • They're not deeply embedded enough to save the Vietnamese

  • but they're deeply enough embedded to prevent far worse, worst disasters.

  • And here, I think, one has to be a bit qualified. That is,

  • there is imperial terror and aggression, there is exploitation,

  • there is racism, lots of things like that.

  • But there's also a real concern, coexisting with it, for individual rights

  • of a sort which, for example, are embodied in the Bill of Rights,

  • which is by no means simply an expression of class oppression.

  • It is also an expression of the necessity to defend

  • the individual against state power.

  • Now these things coexist, you know. It's not that simple, it's not just all bad or all good.

  • And it's because its particular balance in which they coexist that makes it, makes an institute

  • that produces weapons of war be willing to tolerate,

  • in fact in many ways even encourage, to be quite honest,

  • a person who is involved in civil disobedience against the war.

  • Now as to how I tolerate MIT, that raises another question.

  • There are people who argue, and I have never understood the logic of this,

  • that a radical ought to dissociate himself from all oppressive institutions.

  • That is.. the logic of that argument is that Karl Marx shouldn't have studied

  • in the British Museum, which, if anything, was the symbol

  • of the most vicious imperialism in the world, the place where

  • all the treasures of Empire were gathered, you know,

  • the rape of the colonies was all poured in there, so on and so forth.

  • But I think Karl Marx was quite right in studying in the British Museum.

  • He was right in using the resources

  • and in fact the liberal values of the civilization

  • that he was trying to overcome, against it.

  • And I think the same applies in this case.

  • But aren't you afraid that your presence at MIT

  • gives them a clean conscience?

  • I don't see how, really. I mean, I think

  • my presence at MIT serves marginally to,

  • I hope a lot, I don't know how much, to increase student activism

  • against a lot of the things that MIT stands for, for example.

  • Ladies and gentlemen, I think this has to be the end of the debate.

  • Mr. Chomsky, Mr. Foucault,

  • I thank you very much for your far-going discussion

  • on both the technical and theoretical way, as the political way.

  • I thank you very much both on behalf of the audience, here and at home.

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1971年 正義と権力をめぐる討論会、ミシェル・フーコーとノーム・チョムスキー (1971 Debate on Justice vs Power, Michel Foucault and Noam Chomsky)

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    Kam Sut Mei に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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