Name: "ベルリンの壁」演説-レーガン大統領のブランデンブルク門での演説 - 6/12/87 ("Berlin Wall" Speech - President Reagan's Address at the Brandenburg Gate - 6/12/87)
Uploaded: 2021-01-14T06:09:39.000Z
Duration: 26 min 43 s
Description: VoiceTubeの動画で発音を聞きながら英語表現を覚えよう！学べる英語：

Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty-four years ago,

President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people of this city and the

world at the City Hall. Well, since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn,

to Berlin. And today I, myself, make my second visit to your city.

We come to Berlin, we American presidents, because it's our duty to speak, in this place,

of freedom. But I must confess, we're drawn here by other things as well: by the feeling

of history in this city, more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of

the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps

the composer Paul Lincke understood something about American presidents. You see, like so

many presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: Ich

hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin. [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]

Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America. I understand

that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening throughout Eastern

Europe, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just

as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow

countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin.

Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast

system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south,

those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard

towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards

and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument

to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here

in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the

news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent

upon the mind of the world. Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German,

separated from his fellow men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.

President von Weizsacker has said, "The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg

Today I say: As long as the gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted

to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom

for all mankind. Yet I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of

hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.

In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters

to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out

to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told--George Marshall announced

the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years

ago this month, he said: "Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against

hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos."

In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary

of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that

was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs

like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: "The Marshall

Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world." A strong, free world in the West,

that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France,

Belgium--virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth;

In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder.

Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty--that

just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity

can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders

reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard

of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.

Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial

output of any city in Germany--busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues,

and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city's culture seemed to have been destroyed,

today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums.

Where there was want, today there's abundance--food, clothing, automobiles--the wonderful goods

of the Ku'damm. From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt

a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. The Soviets may have had

other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on--Berliner

Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and

In the 1950s, Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." But in the West today, we see a

free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human

history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards

of health, even want of the most basic kind--too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union

still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire

world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces

the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.

And now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance

of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some

political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being

jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom

Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures,

intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without

changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we believe that freedom and security go

together, that the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace.

There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance

dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.

General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union

and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open

this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!

I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent--

and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we

in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So we must maintain defenses of unassailable

strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.

Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat,

hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, capable of striking every capital

in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment

unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution; namely, the elimination of such

weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness.

As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult

days--days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city--and the Soviets later

But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then-- I

invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets

came back to the table. And because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility,

not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an