Name: "世界平和" ジョンソン副大統領、アメリカ大学でJFK演説、ベルリンでMP623。 ("World Peace": JFK Speech at American University, VP Johnson in Berlin. MP623.)
Uploaded: 2021-01-14T05:50:27.000Z
Duration: 10 min 25 s
Description: VoiceTubeの動画で発音を聞きながら英語表現を覚えよう！学べる英語：

"There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university," wrote John Masefield,

様態の副詞

in his tribute to English universities--and his words are equally true today. He did not

refer to spires and towers, to campus greens and ivied walls. He admired the splendid beauty

of the university, he said, because it was "a place where those who hate ignorance may

strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see."

I have, therefore, chosen this time and this place to discuss a topic on which ignorance

too often abounds and the truth is too rarely perceived--yet it is the most important topic

What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced

on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of

the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth

worth living, the kind that enables men and nations to grow and to hope and to build a

better life for their children--not  merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women--not  merely peace in our time but peace for all

I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age when

great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to

surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age when a single

nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all of the allied

air forces in the Second World War. It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons

produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the

far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn.

Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose

of making sure we never need to use them is essential to keeping the peace. But surely

the acquisition of such idle stockpiles--which can only destroy and never create--is not

the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace.

I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary rational end of rational men. I realize that

the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war--and frequently the words

of the pursuer fall on deaf ears. But we have no more urgent task.

Some say that it is useless to speak of world peace or world law or world disarmament-and

that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened

attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we

must reexamine our own attitude--as individuals and as a Nation--for our attitude is as essential

as theirs. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war

and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward--by examining his own attitude

toward the possibilities of peace, toward the Soviet Union, toward the course of the

cold war and toward freedom and peace here at home.

First: Let us examine our attitude toward peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible.

Too many think it unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion

that war is inevitable--that mankind is doomed--that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.

We need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade--therefore, they can be solved

by man. And man can be as big as he wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond human

beings. Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable--and we believe

I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of

which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams

but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.

Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace--based not on a sudden

revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions--on a series

of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned.

There is no single, simple key to this peace--no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one

or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It

must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For

peace is a process--a way of solving problems.

With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within

families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love

his neighbor--it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their

disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities between

nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes

may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations

So let us persevere. Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining

our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all

peoples to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly toward it.

Second: Let us reexamine our attitude toward the Soviet Union. It is discouraging to think

that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write. It is discouraging

to read a recent authoritative Soviet text on Military Strategy and find, on page after

page, wholly baseless and incredible claims--such as the allegation that "American imperialist

circles are preparing to unleash different types of wars ... that there is a very real

threat of a preventive war being unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet

Union ... [and that] the political aims of the American imperialists are to enslave economically

and politically the European and other capitalist countries... [and] to achieve world domination

Truly, as it was written long ago: "The wicked flee when no man pursueth." Yet it is sad

to read these Soviet statements--to realize the extent of the gulf between us. But it

is also a warning--a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the

Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict

as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an

No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking

in virtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal

freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements--in

science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture and in acts of courage.

Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger

than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique, among the major world powers, we have

never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered

more than the Soviet Union suffered in the course of the Second World War. At least 20

million lost their lives. Countless millions of homes and farms were burned or sacked.

A third of the nation's territory, including nearly two thirds of its industrial base,

was turned into a wasteland--a loss equivalent to the devastation of this country east of

Today, should total war ever break out again--no matter how--our two countries would become

the primary targets. It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the

two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would

be destroyed in the first 24 hours. And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and

dangers to so many countries, including this Nation's closest allies--our two countries

bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons

that could be better devoted to combating ignorance, poverty, and disease. We are both

caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle in which suspicion on one side breeds suspicion

on the other, and new weapons beget counter-weapons.

In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have