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The President: Good morning.
Over the past two days, American pilots
and crews have served with courage and skill
in the skies over Iraq.
First, American forces have conducted targeted
airstrikes against terrorist forces outside
the city of Erbil to prevent them from
advancing on the city and to protect our American
diplomats and military personnel.
So far, these strikes have successfully destroyed
arms and equipment that ISIL terrorists
could have used against Erbil.
Meanwhile, Kurdish forces on the ground continue
to defend the city, and the United States
and the Iraqi government have stepped up our military
assistance to Kurdish forces
as they wage their fight.
Second, our humanitarian effort continues
to help the men, women and children stranded
on Mount Sinjar.
American forces have so far conducted two
successful airdrops -- delivering thousands
of meals and gallons of water to these desperate men,
women and children.
And American aircraft are positioned to strike ISIL
terrorists around the mountain to help forces
in Iraq break the siege and rescue those
who are trapped there.
Now, even as we deal with these immediate
situations, we continue to pursue a broader
strategy in Iraq.
We will protect our American citizens in Iraq,
whether they're diplomats, civilians or military.
If these terrorists threaten our facilities
or our personnel, we will take action
to protect our people.
We will continue to provide military
assistance and advice to the Iraqi government
and Kurdish forces as they battle these terrorists,
so that the terrorists cannot establish
a permanent safe haven.
We will continue to work with the international
community to deal with the growing
humanitarian crisis in Iraq.
Even as our attention is focused on preventing
an act of genocide and helping the men
and women and children on the mountain,
countless Iraqis have been driven or fled from their homes,
including many Christians.
This morning, I spoke with Prime Minister Cameron
of the United Kingdom and President Hollande
of France.
I'm pleased that both leaders expressed their
strong support for our actions and have agreed
to join us in providing humanitarian assistance
to Iraqi civilians who are suffering so much.
Once again, America is proud to act alongside
our closest friends and allies.
More broadly, the United Nations in Iraq is working
urgently to help respond to the needs
of those Iraqis fleeing from areas under threat.
The U.N. Security
Council has called
on the international community to do everything
it can to provide food, water and shelter.
And in my calls with allies and partners around
the world, I'll continue to urge them to join
us in this humanitarian effort.
Finally, we continue to call on Iraqis to come
together and form the inclusive government
that Iraq needs right now.
Vice President Biden has been speaking
to Iraqi leaders, and our team in Baghdad
is in close touch with the Iraqi government.
All Iraqi communities are ultimately threatened
by these barbaric terrorists and all Iraqi
communities need to unite to defend their country.
Just as we are focused on the situation
in the north affecting Kurds and Iraqi minorities,
Sunnis and Shia in different parts of Iraq
have suffered mightily at the hands of ISIL.
Once an inclusive government is in place,
I'm confident it will be easier to mobilize
all Iraqis against ISIL, and to mobilize
greater support from our friends and allies.
Ultimately, only Iraqis can ensure
the security and stability of Iraq.
The United States can't do it for them,
but we can and will be partners in that effort.
One final thing -- as we go forward,
we'll continue to consult with Congress and coordinate closely
with our allies and partners.
And as Americans, we will continue to show
gratitude to our men and women in uniform
who are conducting our operations there.
When called, they were ready --
as they always are.
When given their mission, they've performed
with distinction -- as they always do.
And when we see them serving
with such honor and compassion, defending our fellow citizens
and saving the lives of people they've never
met, it makes us proud to be Americans --
as we always will be.
So with that, let me take a couple questions.
The Press: Mr. President, for how long
a period of time do you see these airstrikes continuing for?
And is your goal there to contain ISIS
or to destroy it?
The President: I'm not going to give a particular
timetable, because as I've said
from the start, wherever and whenever U.S.
personnel and facilities are threatened,
it's my obligation, my responsibility
as Commander-in-Chief, to make sure
that they are protected.
And we're not moving our embassy anytime soon.
We're not moving our consulate anytime soon.
And that means that, given the challenging security
environment, we're going to maintain
vigilance and ensure that our people are safe.
Our initial goal is to not only make sure
Americans are protected, but also to deal
with this humanitarian situation in Sinjar.
We feel confident that we can prevent ISIL
from going up a mountain and slaughtering
the people who are there.
But the next step, which is going
to be complicated logistically, is how do we give safe passage
for people down from the mountain, and where
can we ultimately relocate them so that they are safe.
That's the kind of coordination that
we need to do internationally.
I was very pleased to get the cooperation
of both Prime Minister Cameron and President Hollande
in addressing some of the immediate needs
in terms of airdrops and some of the assets
and logistical support that they're providing.
But there's a broader set of questions
that our experts now are engaged in with the United Nations
and our allies and partners,
and that is how do we potentially create a safe
corridor or some other mechanism so that these people can move.
That may take some time -- because there are varying
estimates of how many people are up there,
but they're in the thousands, and moving them
is not simple in this kind of security environment.
Just to give people a sense, though,
of a timetable -- that the most important timetable
that I'm focused on right now is the Iraqi
government getting formed and finalized.
Because in the absence of an Iraqi government,
it is very hard to get a unified effort
by Iraqis against ISIL.
We can conduct airstrikes, but ultimately there's
not going to be an American military solution
to this problem.
There's going to have to be an Iraqi solution that
America and other countries and allies support.
And that can't happen effectively until you have
a legitimate Iraqi government.
So right now we have a President, we have
a speaker.
What we don't yet have is a prime minister
and a cabinet that is formed that can go ahead
and move forward, and then start reaching
out to all the various groups and factions inside of Iraq,
and can give confidence to populations
in the Sunni areas that ISIL is not the only game in town.
It also then allows us to take those Iraqi
security forces that are able and functional,
and they understand who they're reporting
to and what they're fighting for, and what the chain
of command is.
And it provides a structure in which better
cooperation is taking place between the Kurdish
region and Baghdad.
So we're going to be pushing very hard
to encourage Iraqis to get their government together.
Until we do that, it is going to be hard
to get the unity of effort that allows
us to not just play defense, but also engage in some offense.
The Press: Mr. President, the United States
has fought long wars in Afghanistan
and Iraq with uncertain outcomes.
How do you assure the American people that we're
not getting dragged into another war in Iraq?
Have you underestimated the power of ISIS?
And finally, you said that you involved
international partners in humanitarian efforts.
Is there any thought to talking to international
partners as far as military actions
to prevent the spread of ISIS?
The President: Well, a couple of things
I would say.
Number one, I've been very clear that we're
not going to have U.S. combat
troops in Iraq again.
And we are going to maintain that,
because we should have learned a lesson from
our long and immensely costly incursion in Iraq.
And that is that our military is so effective
that we can keep a lid on problems wherever
we are, if we put enough personnel and resources into it.
But it can only last if the people
in these countries themselves are able to arrive
at the kinds of political accommodations
and compromise that any civilized society requires.
And so it would be, I think, a big mistake
for us to think that we can, on the cheap,
simply go in, tamp everything down again, restart
without some fundamental shift in attitudes
among the various Iraqi factions.
That's why it is so important
to have an Iraqi government on the ground
that is taking responsibility that we can help,
that we can partner with, that has the capacity
to get alliances in the region.
And once that's in place, then I think
we end up being one of many countries that
can work together to deal with the broader crisis
that ISIL poses.
What were your other questions?
Did we underestimate ISIL?
I think that there is no doubt that their advance,
their movement over the last several months
has been more rapid than the intelligence estimates
and I think the expectations of policymakers
both in and outside of Iraq.
And part of that is I think
not a full appreciation of the degree to which
the Iraqi security forces, when they're far away
from Baghdad, did not have the incentive
or the capacity to hold ground against an aggressive adversary.
And so that's one more reason why Iraqi
government formation is so important --
because there has to be a rebuilding and an understanding
of who it is that the Iraqi security forces are reporting
to, what they are fighting for.
And there has to be some investment
by Sunnis in pushing back against ISIL.
I think we're already seeing --
and we will see even further -- the degree to which those
territories under ISIL control alienated populations,
because of the barbarity and brutality
with which they operate.
But in order to ensure that Sunni populations
reject outright these kinds of incursions,
they've got to feel like they're invested
in a broader national government.
And right now, they don't feel that.
So the upshot is that what we've seen over
the last several months indicates the weaknesses
in an Iraqi government.
But what we've also seen I think is a wake-up
call for a lot of Iraqis inside of Baghdad
recognizing that we're going to have to rethink
how we do business if we're
going to hold our country together.
And, hopefully, that change in attitude
supplemented by improved security efforts in which
we can assist and help,
that can make a difference.
The Press: You just expressed confidence
that the Iraqi government can eventually prevent a safe haven.
But you've also just described the
complications with the Iraqi government
and the sophistication of ISIL.
So is it possible that what you've described
and your ambitions there could take years, not months?
The President: I don't think we're going to solve
this problem in weeks, if that's what you mean.
I think this is going to take some time.
The Iraqi security forces, in order to mount
an offensive and be able to operate effectively
with the support of populations in Sunni areas,
are going to have to revamp, get resupplied --
have a clearer strategy.
That's all going to be dependent on a government
that the Iraqi people and the Iraqi military
have confidence in.
We can help in all those efforts.
I think part of what we're able to do right
now is to preserve a space for them to do the hard
work that's necessary.
If they do that, the one thing that I also think
has changed is that many of the Sunni countries
in the region who have been generally suspicious
or wary of the Iraqi government are more likely
to join in, in the fight against ISIS, and that
can be extremely helpful.
But this is going to be a long-term project.
Part of what we've seen is that a minority Sunni
population in Iraq, as well as a majority
Sunni population in Syria, has felt dissatisfied
and detached and alienated
from their respective governments.
And that has been a ripe territory for these
jihadists and extremists to operate.
And rebuilding governance in those areas, and
legitimacy for stable, moderate governing
in those areas is going to take time.
Now, there are some immediate concerns
that we have to worry about.
We have to make sure that ISIL is not engaging
in the actions that could cripple a country permanently.
There's key infrastructure inside of Iraq
that we have to be concerned about.
My team has been vigilant, even before ISIL
went into Mosul, about foreign fighters
and jihadists gathering in Syria, and now in Iraq,
who might potentially launch attacks outside
the region against Western targets and U.S. targets.
So there's going to be a counterterrorism
element that we are already preparing for and have been
working diligently on for a long time now.
There is going to be a military element
in protecting our people, but the long-term campaign
of changing that environment so that
the millions of Sunnis who live in these areas feel
connected to and well-served by a national government,
that's a long-term process.
And that's something that the United States
cannot do, only the Iraqi people themselves can do.
We can help, we can advise,
but we can't do it for them.
And the U.S. military
cannot do it for them.
And so this goes back to the earlier
question about U.S.
military involvement.
The nature of this problem is not one that a U.S.
military can solve.
We can assist and our military obviously can
play an extraordinarily important role in
bolstering efforts of an Iraqi partner as they make
the right steps to keep their country together,
but we can't do it for them.
Last question.
The Press: America has spent
$800 billion in Iraq.
Do you anticipate having to ask Congress for
additional funds to support this mission?
The President: Currently, we are operating within
the budget constraints that we already have.
And we'll have to evaluate what happens over time.
We already have a lot of assets in the region.
We anticipate, when we make
our preliminary budgets, that there may be things that come
up requiring us to engage.
And right now, at least, I think we are okay.
If and when we need additional dollars
to make sure that American personnel
and American facilities are protected, then
we will certainly make that request.
But right now, that's not our primary concern.
Last question.
The Press: Mr. President, do you have any second
thoughts about pulling all ground troops out of Iraq?
And does it give you pause as the U.S.
-- is it doing the same thing in Afghanistan?
The President: What I just find interesting
is the degree to which this issue keeps on coming
up, as if this was my decision.
Under the previous administration,
we had turned over the country to a sovereign,
democratically elected Iraqi government.
In order for us to maintain troops in Iraq,
we needed the invitation of the Iraqi government
and we needed assurances that our personnel
would be immune from prosecution if, for example,
they were protecting themselves and ended up getting
in a firefight with Iraqis, that they wouldn't
be hauled before an Iraqi judicial system.
And the Iraqi government, based on its political
considerations, in part because
Iraqis were tired of a U.S. occupation,
declined to provide
us those assurances.
And on that basis, we left.
We had offered to leave additional troops.
So when you hear people say, do you regret,
Mr. President, not leaving more troops,
that presupposes that I would have overridden
this sovereign government that we had turned
the keys back over to and said, you know what,
you're democratic, you're sovereign, except
if I decide that it's good for you to keep
10,000 or 15,000 or 25,000 Marines in your country,
you don't have a choice -- which would have kind
of run contrary to the entire argument we were
making about turning over the country back to Iraqis,
an argument not just made by me, but made
by the previous administration.
So let's just be clear: The reason that
we did not have a follow-on force in Iraq was because
the Iraqis were -- a majority of Iraqis
did not want U.S.
troops there, and politically they could
not pass the kind of laws that would
be required to protect our troops in Iraq.
Having said all that, if in fact the Iraqi
government behaved the way it did over the last five,
six years, where it failed to pass legislation
that would reincorporate Sunnis and give them
a sense of ownership; if it had targeted certain Sunni
leaders and jailed them; if it had alienated
some of the Sunni tribes that we had brought back
in during the so-called Awakening that helped
us turn the tide in 2006 -- if they had done
all those things and we had had troops there,
the country wouldn't be holding together either.
The only difference would be we'd have a bunch
of troops on the ground that would be vulnerable.
And however many troops we had, we would have
to now be reinforcing, I'd have to be protecting them,
and we'd have a much bigger job.
And probably, we would end up having to go up again
in terms of the number of grounds troops
to make sure that those forces were not vulnerable.
So that entire analysis is bogus and is wrong.
But it gets frequently peddled around here
by folks who oftentimes are trying
to defend previous policies that they themselves made.
Going forward with respect to Afghanistan,
we are leaving the follow-on force there.
I think the lesson for Afghanistan
is not the fact that we've got a follow-on force that
will be capable of training and supporting Afghan security
efforts.
I think the real lesson in Afghanistan is that if
factions in a country after a long period of
civil war do not find a way to come up with a
political accommodation; if they take maximalist
positions and their attitude
is, I want 100 percent of what I want and the other side
gets nothing, then the center doesn't hold.
And the good news is, is that in part thanks
to the excellent work of John Kerry and others,
we now are seeing the two candidates
in the recent Presidential election start coming together
and agreeing not only to move forward on the audit
to be able to finally certify a winner in the election,
but also the kinds of political accommodations
that are going to be required
to keep democracy moving.
So that's a real lesson I think for Afghanistan
coming out of Iraq is, if you want this thing
to work, then whether it's different ethnicities,
different religions, different regions,
they've got to accommodate each other, otherwise
you start tipping back into old patterns of violence.
And it doesn't matter how many
U.S. troops are there -- if that happens,
you end up having a mess.
Thanks a lot, guys.