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  • This lecture will be a some slightly shorter lecture than

  • usual. What I first want to do is

  • finish off the discussion of clinical psychology from last

  • lecture and then have a little brief discussion about some very

  • interesting research on happiness.

  • We talked--we ended last lecture with a discussion of

  • some early--some of the history of treating mental illness and

  • we saw that it was rather gruesome,

  • unsuccessful, and arbitrary. For the most part,

  • we do better now, and Dr.

  • Nolen-Hoeksema reviewed some of the therapies with focus on

  • therapies for depression. The textbook talks in detail

  • about therapies for different disorders including

  • schizophrenia, anxiety disorders,

  • and so on. The question which everyone is

  • interested in is, "Does therapy work?"

  • And this proves to be surprisingly difficult to tell.

  • Part of the problem is if you ask people who go into therapy,

  • "Did you get better after therapy?"

  • for the most part they'll tell you that they did but the

  • problem is this could be a statistical byproduct of what's

  • called "regression to the mean." So, the idea looks like this.

  • This line plots how you feel from great through okay to awful

  • and it goes up and down and in fact in everyday life you're

  • going to--some days are going to be average,

  • some days will be better than average, some days worse than

  • average. You could plot your semester.

  • You could do a plot every morning when you wake up or

  • every night before you go to bed.

  • You could put yourself on a graph and it'll come out to some

  • sort of wiggly thing. Statistically,

  • if something is above average or below average it's going to

  • trend towards average just because that's a statistical

  • inevitability. When do people go to therapy?

  • Well, they go to therapy when they're feeling really crappy.

  • They go to therapy when they're feeling unusually bad.

  • Even if therapy then has no effect at all,

  • if it's true that people's moods tend to go up and down

  • after you feel really bad you'll probably improve rather than get

  • worse. And so this could happen--the

  • normal flow could happen just even if therapy has no effect at

  • all. And so, simply getting better

  • after therapy doesn't tell you anything.

  • On the worst day of your life you could do naked jumping jacks

  • on the roof of your college for ten minutes.

  • I guarantee you your next day would probably be better.

  • That doesn't mean naked jumping jacks are helping you.

  • Rather, it just means that the day after the worst day of your

  • life usually is not as bad as the worst day of your life.

  • It can get worse, but usually it just trends to

  • average. What you've got to do then is

  • you have to take people at the same point who would get

  • treatment and compare them to people who do not get treatment

  • or what we call a "control group."

  • And this is an example of this. So, this is for people who are

  • depressed. This is statistically equal.

  • They start off pre-therapy. They all go for therapy but

  • because in this example there's a limited number of therapists,

  • some of them are put on a waiting list and others get a

  • therapist. It's arbitrary.

  • It's random, which is--which--making it a

  • very good experiment. And in this example,

  • you could see those who received cognitive training were

  • better off. They had lower depression

  • scores than those that received no therapy at all.

  • In general, in fact, we could make some general

  • conclusions about therapy. Therapy by and large works.

  • People in treatment do better than those who are not in

  • treatment and that's not merely because they choose to go into

  • treatment. Rather, it's people who are in

  • desperate straits who seek out help.

  • Those who get help are likely to be better off than those that

  • don't get help. Therapy for the most part works.

  • We can't cure a lot of things but we can often make them

  • better. Different sorts of therapy

  • works best for different problems, and again,

  • depression proves to be an illustrative example.

  • If you have everyday unipolar depression, that is,

  • you feel very sad and you show other symptoms associated with

  • depression, an excellent treatment for you

  • is some combination of cognitive behavioral therapy and possibly

  • antidepressant medications like SSRIs.

  • If you have bipolar depression, the cognitive behavioral

  • therapy is useless but medication is your best bet and

  • so on for all of the other disorders.

  • Each disorder has some sort of optimal mode of treatment.

  • If you suffer from an anxiety disorder, cognitive behavioral

  • therapy can be of help. If you're a schizophrenic it's

  • probably not going to be of much help at all.

  • And so, different disorders go best with different sorts of

  • therapies. Finally, some therapists do

  • better than others. So, for reasons that nobody

  • fully understands, there are good therapists and

  • then there are better therapists and there are bad therapists.

  • And there's great individual differences in the efficacy of

  • an individual therapist. Finally, putting aside then the

  • difference in therapies and the difference in therapists,

  • does it make sense to say that therapy, in general,

  • works? And the answer is "yes."

  • And this is in large part because of what clinical

  • psychologists describe as "nonspecific factors."

  • And what this just is a term meaning properties that all

  • therapies, or virtually all therapies, share and I've listed

  • two of them here. One of them is "support."

  • No matter what sort of therapy you're getting involved in,

  • be it a psychoanalyst or a behavior therapist or a

  • cognitive therapist or a psychiatrist who prescribes you

  • medication or someone who makes you go through different

  • exercises or keeps a journal, you have some sense of support,

  • some acceptance, empathy, encouragement,

  • guidance. You have a human touch.

  • You have somebody who for at least some of the day really

  • cares about you and wants you to be better and that could make a

  • huge difference. Also you have hope.

  • Typically, there's an enthusiasm behind therapy.

  • There's a sense that this might really make me get better and

  • that hope could be powerful. Sometimes this is viewed under

  • the rubric of a placebo effect, which is that maybe the

  • benefits you get from therapy aren't due to anything in

  • particular the therapist does to you but rather to the belief

  • that things are going to get better,

  • something is being done that will help you.

  • And this belief can be a self-fulfilling prophecy.

  • "Placebo effect" is often used sort of in a dismissive way,

  • "Oh, it's just a placebo," but placebos can be powerful

  • and even if it's useless from a real point--from a psychological

  • theory point of view, even if the therapist runs

  • around and dances while you – I have dancing on my mind now

  • while you sit in the chair and watch him dance;

  • if you believe the dancing is going to make you better,

  • it may well help. Okay.

  • That's all I'm going to say about therapy.

  • Any questions about therapy? Yes.

  • Student: [inaudible] Professor Paul Bloom:

  • Fair enough. The question is the assumption

  • of regression to the mean seems sort of arbitrary because it

  • depends what the mean is. Always after the fact you can

  • apply an average to it and say, "Look.

  • This is the average," but how do you know beforehand?

  • It's a good point. When you talk about regression

  • to the mean, it adopts certain assumptions.

  • The assumption is there really is an average throughout much of

  • your life and things go up and down within that average and for

  • the most part that's true for things like mood.

  • For most of us, we have an average mood and we

  • have bad days and we have good days.

  • It's always possible that you have a bad day and then from

  • there on in it's just going to go down and down and down but

  • statistically the best bet is if you have a bad day you're going

  • to go back up to the mean. It's--in some way you don't

  • even have to see it from a clinical point of view.

  • You could map it out yourself. Map out your moods and the days

  • where you're most depressed sooner or later you're likely to

  • go up. Similarly, on the happiest day

  • of your life odds are the next day you're going to go down and

  • there's nothing magical about this.

  • This is just because under the assumption that there really is

  • an average in--built into one--each of us.

  • If human behavior was arbitrary, it would be like a

  • random walk but it's not. We seem to have sort of set

  • points and aspects of us that we fall back to that make the idea

  • of a mean a psychologically plausible claim.

  • Yes. Student: [inaudible]

  • Professor Paul Bloom: That's a good question.

  • Yes. In that study it's a perfectly

  • good hypothesis that the sort of anxiety of being told,

  • "I see you've come here for help.

  • We can't give it to you. Congratulations.

  • You're a control group" [laughs]

  • causes anxiety. In other studies the control

  • group doesn't know they are the control group.

  • So sometimes you can do an intervention where you say,

  • "Congratulations, everybody in Intro Psych who

  • did very low on the depression inventory,"

  • which many of you filled out, "We're going to do something to

  • you." And then the rest of the people

  • don't even know that they haven't been chosen.

  • So, you're right. It's a perfectly good point.

  • Knowing you're not chosen could have a deleterious effect and

  • the way to respond to that is you have other studies that

  • don't use that same method.

  • Okay. I want to end with happiness

  • and it's a strange thing to talk about in psychology.

  • Most of psychology focuses on human misery,

  • most of clinical psychology. There is the psychology we

  • spoke about through most of the semester on vision and language

  • and social behavior, but typically when people think

  • about interventions what they think about is people having

  • problems and then we figure out how to make them better.

  • They are schizophrenic, they are depressed or anxious,

  • they are just not making it in life,

  • and psychologists try to figure out how to make things improve.

  • And in fact, a lot of the information I gave

  • you at the beginning of the lecture last class where I

  • reviewed all of the disorders is in this wonderful book called

  • DSM-IV, The Diagnostic and Statistical

  • Manual of Mental Disorders. If you ever really want to

  • get--If you really [laughs] want to diagnose people and

  • come to have a belief in your own mental instability,

  • browsing through that book is a treat.

  • Everything that can go wrong in mental life from Aspergers

  • syndrome to fetishes to paranoid schizophrenia is all in that

  • wonderful book and--but a lot of psychologists have been

  • disturbed by the focus of our field on taking bad people,

  • people who are broken, people who are sad,

  • and bringing them up to normal. And they've started to ask can

  • psychology give us any insight into human flourishing,

  • how to take people who are--who--how to study people

  • who are psychological successes, how to take people who are

  • psychologically okay and make them better.

  • And this is the movement known as "positive psychology."

  • And it has its own handbook now, The Handbook of Positive

  • Psychology, listing psychological strengths,

  • listing virtues, ways--what psychology tells us

  • about how we can be at our best. Some of this work in positive

  • psychology is, in my mind, real crap.

  • A lot of it is some combination of new age banalities by people

  • who are striving to get more grant funds and end up on

  • Time magazine. On the other hand--and so,

  • some of it is really bad. You could imagine this attracts

  • every self-help huckster you could imagine.

  • On the other hand, a lot of this work is quite

  • neat, quite interesting and quite promising.

  • And what I want to do is tell you what I think is the most

  • interesting research from this movement concerning happiness.

  • Now, there are a lot of good books on this and I'm going to

  • recommend books, which I haven't been doing much

  • in this class. Marty Seligman is the pioneer

  • of positive psychology and he's written an excellent book called

  • Authentic Happiness. Jonathan Haidt is a brilliant

  • young scholar who's done--also done a lot of work on disgust

  • and morality. He did the "sex with dead

  • chicken study" we discussed earlier.

  • This is one of my favorite books byHappiness by

  • Nettle, because it's smart, it's beautifully written and

  • it's extremely short. And Dan Gilbert's book,

  • Stumbling on Happiness, is a very, very funny book and

  • very smart book and is now on The New York Times

  • bestseller list. So, there's no shortage of

  • books on happiness. So, the starting point is--And

  • a lot of research on happiness starts with a basic question:

  • How happy are you? And we're psychologists so tell

  • us on a scale of one to ten where five is average,

  • ten is super-duper. The most common answers,

  • interestingly enough, are high.

  • They're seven or eight. How many people in this room

  • would give themselves a seven or an eight?

  • Okay. How many a nine or a ten?

  • All right. How many a ten?

  • Good, good, maxed out on happiness.

  • It turns out that most people think that they're pretty happy.

  • There's a Lake Wobegon effect with happiness.

  • Most people think they're very happy.

  • In fact, most people think they're happier than most

  • people, which shouldn't really happen.

  • This question, "How happy are you from one to

  • ten?" has been asked all over the

  • world. So--and it turns out there are

  • slight differences depending on how old you are.

  • There are slight differences depending on your place within a

  • country, California versus New York.

  • There are slight, subtle differences between men

  • and women at different points, somewhat paradoxically.

  • Although women are more vulnerable to depression than

  • men, still on average women are slightly happier than men.

  • The country-by-country data is quite interesting.

  • In one study they looked at forty-two countries.

  • The happiest--well, let me see. The happiest people on

  • earth--well, first, no country believed they were

  • unhappy, the people in no country of these forty-two

  • countries. I mean, you're thinking there

  • are some really bad countries to live in and I don't know if they

  • were tested but of these forty-two everybody seemed--said

  • they were above average. The happiest people on earth?

  • The Swiss. [laughter]

  • They think--they're just like--they're just so happy.

  • I was talking to people about this last night and they

  • suggested chocolate. [laughter]

  • The saddest people on this--on the sample?

  • The sad Bulgarians. [laughter]

  • You are wondering what about Americans.

  • Americans are actually pretty happy, 7.71.

  • We are a happy country full of happy people.

  • Now, I'm going to talk about a lot of research that's based on

  • the data you get when you ask people how happy they are from a

  • scale of one to ten. But I'm going to be honest and

  • tell you there are reasons to be cautious about these numbers.

  • And the reasons come from a couple of experiments.

  • In one experiment they asked people inside a psychology

  • department where there was a photocopy machine.

  • They went up to people--the people were going up to the

  • photocopy machine to make copies and when they were done making

  • copies they asked them, "How happy are you with your

  • entire life?" There were two groups.

  • Group A, they put a dime on top of the photocopy machine so

  • people walked over there, "I'm going to [inaudible].

  • Oh, a dime. Well."

  • The other group, no dime. It turned out that when asked

  • "How good is your whole life?" [laughter]

  • group A reported [laughter] greater life satisfaction

  • overall in their entire lives. Another study asked people how

  • happy you are with your whole life on sunny days like today

  • and people said they were happier on sunny days than rainy

  • days. What's interesting is you could

  • make this effect go away if you ask immediately before "How's

  • the weather?" These were done by phone

  • interviews. And logically,

  • what seems to go on is that if you're asked how's the weather,

  • you're "Oh, it's really sunny outside," and then when people

  • are asked "How happy are you with your whole life?"

  • people then say, "Oh, okay. I'm going to take into account

  • the sunny-ness when I give my answer.

  • Okay. So, what is happiness?

  • What are people rating when they're answering these sort of

  • questions? And this is an extraordinarily

  • difficult question and one could devote a seminar to discussing

  • it, but one simple answer from an

  • evolutionary point of view is that happiness--forget about

  • "what is happiness?" Ask "what's happiness for?"

  • just like we've asked what language is for,

  • or what laughter is for, or what hunger or lust is for.

  • What's happiness for? And one answer is happiness is

  • a goal state that we've evolved to pursue.

  • It's a signal that our needs have been satisfied.

  • Happiness is the carrot we're running towards that makes us

  • take care of our lives. We want to be happy.

  • An example of this is food. You're not very happy if you're

  • starving. You want to be satiated,

  • you want to be satisfied, so you seek out food to fill

  • your belly. Once you've done it,

  • you're happy. Steven Pinker summarizes the

  • keys to happiness in a nicely evocative passage:

  • "We are happier when we are healthy,

  • well-fed, comfortable, safe, prosperous,

  • knowledgeable, respected, non-celibate,

  • in love." How many people here have got

  • all of those right now? Oh, come on.

  • [laughter] Some people. Oddly enough,

  • the person who said he was a ten didn't--does not raise his

  • hand. Okay.

  • [laughter] So this is- And this makes

  • out--you get all your needs satisfied,

  • your belly is full, people love you,

  • you're getting sex regularly, you're smart,

  • you're rich, you're happy,

  • but as Pinker points out it's not that simple.

  • Here's the problem.

  • You, Americans in this century, you are now healthier,

  • better fed and so on than just about anyone in history but

  • you're not happier. That's the puzzle.

  • In particular, these studies asking about

  • happiness have been around for a long time.

  • People in the 1950s did not make as much money,

  • did not eat as well, did not live as long,

  • suffered from more diseases, were more vulnerable in a

  • hundred different ways, yet they were--are as happy as

  • you are now. You are as happy as your

  • parents were and they were as happy as your grandparents.

  • Moreover, in poor countries people don't have the shelter,

  • the knowledge, the protection,

  • the safety, yet, for the most part,

  • there's not a huge effect on how rich a country is and--on

  • how happy the people are. Furthermore,

  • there are great individual differences in happiness among

  • people whose basic needs are met.

  • For the most part, everybody in this room is fed

  • and sheltered and safe. Some of you are prosperous,

  • some of you are knowledgeable, a couple non-celibate,

  • and-- [laughter] but even among that group you

  • vary in your happiness, and that's kind of a puzzle.

  • And to explain the puzzle we need to talk about a few

  • surprising facts about happiness and I'll present three of them.

  • The first is happiness doesn't change as much as you think.

  • In particular, happiness is not as sensitive

  • to what happens--your happiness is not as sensitive to what

  • happens in your environment as you might think it is.

  • Part of the reason for this is that there appears to be a

  • strong heritable basis for happiness.

  • So, just as we talked about the domains of personality and

  • intelligence, there is some genetic

  • determination, not entirely but some,

  • in how happy you are. And some people talk in terms

  • of a genetically determined set point.

  • So, you have a sort of natural happiness level,

  • maybe a range. To put it in extreme form,

  • some people are genetically predisposed to be pretty sour,

  • others to be pretty cheerful.

  • Well, that can't be it. Identical twins are very

  • similar in their happiness but, as with everything else we've

  • discussed, they're not identical.

  • What about life events? Wouldn't life events change

  • your happiness? And here we're entering one of

  • the great discoveries of happiness research.

  • Think for a moment. What's the worst thing that

  • could happen to you? And then ask how much would it

  • change your happiness. Now, think for a moment.

  • What's the best thing that could happen to you?

  • And ask how much would it change your happiness.

  • And the research in happiness suggests that your gut feelings

  • are probably wrong. And here's a couple of case

  • studies. For many people a very bad

  • thing that could happen to you is to be paralyzed from the neck

  • down in an accident. It turns out obviously,

  • common sense, that when this happens it makes

  • people very unhappy. It makes them depressed,

  • they think their life is over, they feel terribly sad,

  • but not for that long. After about a year after being

  • paralyzed from the neck down, people's happiness comes back

  • up pretty much to where it was before,

  • suggesting that there's a temporary effect but not a

  • permanent one. Many people believe that

  • winning many, many millions of dollars in the

  • lottery will make you happier and it does.

  • When you open up that winning ticket and you say,

  • "I won one hundred million dollars," you say,

  • "Woo, hoo!" You are honest to God very

  • happy. You'd say, "Hell,

  • I'm a 10.5, I am very happy." A year later you are not as

  • happy. In fact, lottery winning may be

  • a terrible case where people--where it goes the

  • reverse of what you expect. What happens when you win a lot

  • of money is it often wrenches you away from your family,

  • your work and your friends and leads you to depression and

  • sadness but even mundane events that would make you happy--that

  • you think would make you happy don't seem to last.

  • In some research by Dan Gilbert and others, they've asked young

  • assistant professors who are coming up for tenure,

  • and tenure in a university system is a good thing to get

  • because it gives you lifetime job security,

  • "How happy would you feel if you got tenure?

  • How happy would you feel if you didn't get tenure?"

  • Prior to the last election, they asked people "How happy

  • would you be if it was President Bush?

  • How happy would you be if it was President Kerry?"

  • And it turns out people radically overestimated the

  • effects of these things. Having your favorite candidate

  • win is not such a big deal. Having your favorite candidate

  • lose is not such a big deal either.

  • Getting tenure or not getting tenure are really big when it

  • happens. Six months later and a year

  • later your happiness doesn't seem to be affected.

  • The purchase of consumer goods, an Xbox 360,

  • a nice flat screen TV, those sorts of things make you

  • very happy when you open up the package and set it up but this

  • happiness fades almost immediately.

  • The moral of--A lot of people are shaking their heads.

  • It's true, not for me but--the moral of a lot of this work is

  • we think these things will have big permanent and profound

  • effects but they need not and they often don't.

  • Why not? Why do we overestimate their

  • happiness? And the technical term for

  • this, by the way, is "affective forecasting."

  • Again, this is Dan Gilbert's work and the idea is we are bad

  • at affective forecasting. That is, we are bad at

  • predicting how happy or sad we will be in the future based on

  • what's happening to us. Why?

  • Well, a couple of reasons. One thing is there's often a

  • failure to appreciate the day-to-day irrelevance of

  • certain events. So prior to the election--the

  • election's happening tomorrow and I ask somebody who's a

  • diehard Democrat, "How would you feel if Bush

  • won?" and the person said,

  • "I'll be miserable. It'll be a miserable four years

  • afterwards." But what often isn't

  • appreciated here is that whether or not Bush wins will make you

  • sad or happy after it happens but for the most of your

  • day-to-day life you aren't thinking about who the president

  • is. I'd be very happy if I won a

  • huge prize and I'd be "Whoa, a huge prize," the Nobel prize,

  • a Guggenheim, a MacArthurGenius' or I get

  • them all in the same day. [laughter] "What a day.

  • I am really happy." But then a month later I'm

  • there and I've still got my regular insomnia and there's

  • nothing on TV and the plumber's not coming and my kids don't

  • respect me and I can't--and the fact that "Yeah,

  • but I won the prize," it doesn't matter.

  • A lot of the things in life that'll make you really--that

  • you think will make you really happy don't have this day-to-day

  • effect. Also, there is the logic of the

  • set point. And this comes to a terrible

  • word: We adapt. Right now I'm a guy without a

  • Nobel prize. I'm kind of used to it.

  • If I got a Nobel prize I'd be a guy with a Nobel prize.

  • I'd be happy but then I'd kind of get used to that too.

  • And if I got a second one, "whoa, two!"

  • but then I'd just get used to that too.

  • You get used to things. You get used to bad things.

  • Now, I don't want to overstate this.

  • There are some very interesting exceptions.

  • So for instance, we don't get used to noise.

  • A lot of research suggests that if your environment is noisy,

  • they're doing construction around you, you can't get used

  • to it. Your happiness drops and it

  • doesn't come back up. Your system cannot habituate to

  • continued noise. We adapt to good things,

  • winning the lottery, winning a prize,

  • getting an "A " in a course. We adapt, we get used to it,

  • also with some surprising exceptions.

  • One of the big--one of the other surprises from happiness

  • research is the effects of cosmetic surgery like breast

  • enhancement and breast reduction.

  • One of the big surprises is it makes people happier and then

  • they stay happier. And one explanation for this is

  • how we look is very important. It's very important for how

  • other people see us and how we see ourselves,

  • and you never get used to looking in a certain way.

  • So, if you look better it just makes you happier all the time.

  • So, there are these exceptions but putting aside the

  • exceptions, the problem of adaptation is sometimes called

  • "the hedonic treadmill" and the idea is hedonic for happy.

  • You keep on running but no matter how fast you run you stay

  • where you are, you get used to it.

  • Habituation is like you put--you step into a very hot

  • bath but you get used to it. If it's a cold bath you get

  • used to it. A difficult environment,

  • an easy environment, you get used to it.

  • The story is often illustrated--It's often

  • illustrated with a story from the Bible in Ecclesiastes of a

  • king and this king had it all. He had gardens,

  • parks, vineyards, castles, slaves and concubines

  • and they were both male and female concubines.

  • [laughter] So, he had everything,

  • right, but it didn't make him happy and here's what he says:

  • "I hated life. All this vanity and a chasing

  • after wind and there is nothing to be gained under the sun."

  • Now, in these books I talked about at the beginning these

  • authors give advice on how to deal with the hedonic treadmill.

  • How do you deal with the fact that everything you aspire to,

  • once you get it you'll be used to it and it will lose its

  • value? Well, one answer is that

  • possessions are not the key to happiness.

  • Possessions you very quickly get used to.

  • From there, there are two alternatives.

  • One is endless novelty. So one guy – I forget his

  • namewrote a book and he says, "Look.

  • There's the hedonic treadmill. The trick is always do

  • something different. Next week have sex with

  • somebody you've never had sex before.

  • Then climb Mount Everest. You get bored with that,

  • become an accountant. Boring.

  • Scuba diving. Boring."

  • He had endless ideas, and that's a possibility.

  • You never--you--if you keep changing what you're doing

  • you'll never get used to anything and you'll always be

  • happy. At least he says that.

  • Then there's the old guy alternative.

  • Step off the treadmill. Give up--give up chasing the

  • whole happiness thing and then seek out more substantial goods

  • that might actually not make you happy in the simple sense of a

  • quick fix of delight, but substantial goods like

  • friends and family and long-term projects.

  • So, the first moral of the science of happiness is that

  • your happiness is actually rather fixed.

  • It's fixed in part genetically and it's fixed in part because

  • what happens in your life you'll get used to, to a large extent.

  • Are you raising your hand? No.

  • Oh, sorry. The second one is happiness is

  • relative. So, there's a lot of research

  • on money, power and happiness, and remember I did say before

  • that it doesn't matter whether you come from a rich country or

  • a poor country. As long as your country--as

  • long as you're not starving to death, it kind of doesn't matter

  • how rich your country is for how happy you are.

  • But that's not the same as saying it doesn't matter how

  • much money you make. In fact, there's a set point or

  • a range but there is some effect on your salary and on your job

  • on your happiness. And if you're desperately poor,

  • no matter where you are, no matter who's around you,

  • you're not going to be happy. But beyond that your happiness

  • depends on your relative circumstance.

  • And this is an old insight. H.L.

  • Mencken wrote, "A wealthy man is one who earns

  • a hundred dollars more than his wife's sister's husband."

  • The idea is what matters isn't how much you make.

  • What matters is how much you make relative to the people

  • around you. And they've asked people this.

  • "What would you rather? Do you want to make seventy

  • thousand dollars if everybody else in your office is making

  • sixty-five thousand or seventy-five thousand dollars if

  • everybody else is making eighty thousand?"

  • Does it matter how much money you bring home or does it matter

  • how much money you make relative to other people?

  • Well, they're both factors but relative salary--and in this

  • example people prefer this. They prefer to be making less

  • if they're making more than the people around them.

  • It turns out that there's research on British social

  • servants and their happiness and their health and the quality of

  • their relationships and how they love their lives doesn't depend

  • on how much money they make. It depends on where they are

  • relative to everybody else. We are very status conscious

  • primates and your role in a hierarchy, your level in the

  • hierarchy plays a--has a significant effect on your level

  • of happiness. This is not really a secret.

  • The opera star Maria Callas and the English professor Stanley

  • Fish had the same negotiating strategy.

  • When Fish got hired into his department, according to urban

  • legend at least, he said, "I don't want to talk

  • salary. I don't have a particular

  • number in mind. I just want to get paid one

  • hundred dollars more than whoever is the top person in

  • this department." And that's a guy who knows

  • about happiness. He walks in and he states,

  • "I'm paid more than everybody else.

  • I don't care how much it is. It's just more."

  • [laughter] And that's relevant to

  • happiness. We're now in a position to give

  • some advice to the king, summing up.

  • First, going back again to Dr. Nolen-Hoeksema's lecture,

  • I think the king is suffering from mild unipolar depression so

  • we should--he should get some SSRIs and cognitive behavior

  • therapy. I think he needs to move his

  • castle to a quiet part of the kingdom.

  • The noise of a busy castle is stressful.

  • And he needs to give up on the concubines.

  • He needs to find a queen. He needs to develop social

  • relationships, join a club,

  • get involved in charity, maybe a hobby.

  • The final finding is a bit of a jump to a different topic

  • but--sorry. You raised--yes.

  • Student: [inaudible] Professor Paul Bloom:

  • The question is, "Would you become used to

  • changes of social interaction?" An example is solitary

  • confinement or prison. People get used to a lot of

  • things. It could be that in those

  • examples there is a shift in status as well and social

  • relationships and how you think of yourself relative to others

  • so that may be difficult to recover from.

  • If you're popular at Yale and you go to prison you're not

  • going to be very happy your first few days in prison

  • probably. But then suppose you get

  • popular in prison, people like you,

  • you're the head of the book club and everything.

  • [laughter] You'd rather not be in

  • prison--been in prison but you'll probably be a pretty--if

  • you're a cheerful guy here you'll be a cheerful guy in

  • prison. The final case is--involves

  • judgments of the pleasure and pain of past events.

  • And I mentioned the Nobel prize a little while ago as an example

  • but the work I'm going to talk about is actually from the one

  • psychologist who's alive who's won the Nobel prize--sorry,

  • one of the ones who's won the Nobel prize, Daniel Kahneman.

  • And he became interested in happiness.

  • And you remember him from his rationality research and this is

  • some work on happiness. Here's an example.

  • Anybody see the movie Marathon Man?

  • It involves a dental torture scene.

  • Imagine you're going to the dentist and he's torturing you

  • or it's a cleaning but it's really painful and it's

  • terrible. You're sweaty,

  • you're squeezing the thing, and it lasts for an hour and

  • then when it's done the dentist leans over and says,

  • "We're done now. If you want we could stop.

  • But if you want, as a favor to you – I have

  • five minutes – I could top you off with some mild pain."

  • This may seem like a very odd thing to ask.

  • Here's the alternative. What do you want?

  • A dental procedure that's very painful for an hour or a dental

  • procedure that's very painful for an hour--sorry about the "S"

  • there --and then some additional mild pain?

  • Who votes for A? You got to choose one.

  • Who votes for A? Okay.

  • Who votes for B? Okay.

  • Here's the big finding. The big finding is "yes," B

  • involves more pain. It's true.

  • "A" is an hour of pain. "B" is an hour of pain plus a

  • few minutes of more pain. Seems like a no-brainer but

  • when you have A or B and you have to remember it later on

  • you'll have a much nicer memory of B than A.

  • Kahneman's insight is when you think back on events you don't

  • just add up the amount of pleasure or pain you

  • experienced. Rather, your memory is highly

  • skewed to peaks and then to endings.

  • And you could imagine this. In the first case,

  • "A," you leave and say, "Oh, God, that was terrible.

  • Oh." "B," you leave and say,

  • "Oh, that was mildly painful. There was something terrible in

  • the middle there but it ended okay, mild pain."

  • It turns out, in general, endings matter a

  • lot. Kahneman did his research with

  • both in a laboratory where you could makegive people

  • mild pain by getting them to stick their hand in freezing

  • cold water and with people undergoing extremely painful

  • colonoscopy procedures. And it turns out that if you

  • want to give people a good memory, or a less bad memory,

  • of a horrible event topping them off with some mild pain

  • will do the trick. In the end, endings matter.

  • Both of these examples, a party that's hugely fun for

  • ninety percent, then the last ten percent

  • somebody slaps you in the face and pours dip on you or

  • something-- [laughter] So,

  • ninety percent of good stuff, ten percent bad stuff,

  • versus ninety percent people are slapping you and pouring dip

  • on you [laughter] but then ten percent,

  • whoa, that was a really good--when you think back on it,

  • if you just added it up, "A" would be much better but

  • "B" has this huge pull because of the power of how things end

  • so endings matter. So, I'm going to end things now.

  • I'm first going to do a few things.

  • Before saying anything more, I want to thank the teaching

  • fellows. There's Sunny Bang,

  • Erik Cheries, Jane Erickson,

  • Izzat Jarudi, Greg Laun, and Koleen McCrink.

  • I think they did a superb job. [applause]

  • We've basically reviewed all the psychology.

  • Here is a promissory note we started with at the beginning of

  • this semester. I think you are now in a

  • position to answer or at least consider answers about these

  • topics, about topics such as dreams,

  • testimony, disgust, memory, depression,

  • language, humor, and even a little bit

  • about good and evil. This is an--a broad intro

  • survey class, and the field of psychology is

  • broad and we've just gotten started.

  • If you're interested, this is a great department.

  • There are some amazing scholars here and some amazing teachers

  • and there are courses that go into detail about just about

  • every topic I talked about. If you're interested in memory

  • or social interaction or mental illness, I could point you to

  • some great courses. I'm not taking any sophomore

  • advisees next year because I'm on leave in the fall but you

  • should feel free to come talk to me if you want any specific

  • advice or suggestions. Now, I know not all of you are

  • going to end up majoring in psychology.

  • Some of you will choose cognitive science instead

  • [laughter] but on a more serious note I

  • know for some of you this is the last--maybe the first but the

  • last psychology class you'll ever take.

  • And so I want to close this course by emphasizing two

  • themes. The first one is a bit of

  • humility. There are some very basic

  • questions about the mindand I've tried to be honest about

  • this throughout the course--There are some very

  • basic questions about the mind that nobody knows the answer to

  • yet. We know the brain is the source

  • of mental life but we don't have any understanding at all about

  • exactly how this happens, about how a physical object,

  • a lump of meat, can give rise to conscious

  • experience. We know that about half of the

  • variants in personality, about half the differences

  • between people, are due to genetic factors but

  • we don't know how to explain where the other half happens.

  • It has to be experienced but we have no real good theories of

  • the sort of experience that makes one person adventurous and

  • another one timid, one bitter and one satisfied.

  • We know a lot about the social influences that can drive people

  • to do terrible things to one another but we don't know the

  • answer to the maybe harder question of why some of us--some

  • people are immune to these influences,

  • why some people do good things, perhaps even heroic things,

  • regardless of the circumstances that they find themselves in.

  • So, there's an enormous amount left to do.

  • It's an exciting field just because there's just so much

  • more we need to understand. The second theme is more

  • optimistic. And this is the idea that we're

  • going to eventually come to answer these questions and many

  • more questions through the sorts of methods we've been discussing

  • this semester, through constructing scientific

  • theories, evolution--evolutionary,

  • neurological, developmental,

  • computational and testing them through experimental and

  • observational methods. This is the idea that,

  • in the end, the most important and intimate aspects of

  • ourselves, our beliefs and emotions,

  • our capacities to make decisions, even our sense of

  • right and wrong can be explained through constructing and testing

  • scientific hypotheses. Now, the reason why I'm

  • optimistic is I think there's been some success stories where

  • we really have learned some surprising and important things

  • about the mind and there's no reason to expect this way of

  • proceeding to fail us in the future.

  • In my very--in the very first class on the brain I ended by

  • talking about people's worries here,

  • and I'll be honest, that some people find it a

  • scary prospect. Some people believe that a

  • scientific approach to the mind takes the "special-ness" away

  • from people, that it diminishes us somehow.

  • And I don't agree. If there's anything I've tried

  • to persuade you through the course, it's that the more you

  • look at the mind and how it works from a serious scientific

  • point of view the more you come to appreciate its complexities,

  • uniqueness, and its beauty. This has been a great course to

  • teach. Thank you for coming and good

  • luck on the Final.

This lecture will be a some slightly shorter lecture than

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B1 中級

20.良い人生:幸せ (20. The Good Life: Happiness)

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    Gordon Niou に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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