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  • I started to talk to you about trade theory, and now I'm going to make a jump to biology.

  • And that's a strange jump in some sense, because the two levels of analysis are relatively disconnected.

  • But what's happening right now at the sort of outer echelons of personality research is that the workers at the forefront of the field are trying to integrate what's being established at the statistical level of analysis with what's known at the cycle biological level.

  • And so this emerging science is known as personality neuroscience, and it's developed in a rather strange way because the trades that were identified that I discussed with you on Tuesday the Big Five traits all emerged as a consequence of the statistical analysis of of descriptors, characteristic mostly of the English language, although it's been duplicated in other languages.

  • So in some sense it was in a theoretical model, right?

  • It just came out of the linguistic data, so there was no riel initial inferences about brain, area or neurological activity or anything like that to drive the formulation of the Big Five model, and instead the Big Five model came first, and then people started thinking, okay, can this be put into alignment with what we know about the brain?

  • And so people have been hitting that pretty hard.

  • I would say over about the last.

  • It's probably 30 years something like that, because Hands I Zinc and his student, Jeffrey Gray.

  • We're pretty far along on this kind of thinking by saying 1982 when Gray published his book The Neuro Psychology of Anxiety, which the paper you're reading now a model of the limbic system in basal ganglia, basal ganglia, applications to anxiety and schizophrenia.

  • That's a very short summary of the book that Great published in 1982 which is being incredibly influential if you're interested in going on in psychology, especially on the scientific end.

  • But I would say pretty much regardless, if you're interested in going on in psychology, that's Ah, that's a very useful book to tackle.

  • There's a newer version was published by Grey and McNaughton, and I think 2000 something like that.

  • It's hard going like, and you may have found the paper that we two Gray was very, very unfortunately, died a few years ago.

  • He was a very, very smart person, and he knew the animal literature on behavior in your Adam neuro anatomy and narrow psychopharmacology inside out and backwards.

  • And so whenever he defined the term, he always made sure that the term was intelligible at a behavioral level and at of anatomical level and at a pharmacological level.

  • It had to, you know, that the ideas that he were developing had to make sense at the's multiple levels of analysis before he would accept them as as genuine.

  • And Gray did a remarkable job of extending our knowledge of the biological and evolutionary basis of at least the 1st 2 personality traits, say, extra version and eroticism roughly corresponding to positive and negative emotion.

  • So, um, so that's partly why you're reading gray and grace theories.

  • Also, cybernetic theory.

  • Cybernetic theory is it is a variation of a theory developed by an M.

  • I T.

  • Cognitive scientist named Norbert Whiner, who who was an early a I artificial intelligence researcher.

  • And he proposed that that that intelligent entities were goal directed and that they organized their behavior around reducing deviations from a goal.

  • Well, they were approaching it once they had decided what it would be now.

  • That's also proved to be incredibly influential.

  • We'll talk a fair bit about cybernetic models as we progress.

  • So Gray is sort of a combination of artificial intelligence, cybernetic theorizing and then on incredible amount of data that's coming in from animal behavioral research.

  • And as far as I'm concerned, most of the things that we know about the brain have been derived from animal research.

  • The animal researchers tended to be extraordinarily careful scientists.

  • They were influenced by B.

  • F.

  • Skinner, who established the sort of initial theoretical basis for understanding how animals learn.

  • We'll talk about that a little bit next class.

  • So anyways, that's the That's the context within which Gray is working.

  • LeDoux, These air old papers you're going to read except the 3rd 1 which is optional.

  • LeDoux is also an emotional.

  • He's an effective neuroscientist, so he's just someone who studies emotions mostly again animals.

  • And LeDoux has done a lot too sort of add.

  • Some of the pieces that were missing in gray gray probably concentrated a little bit too much on a brain area called the hippocampus, which is the brain area that sort of, let's you know if it's reasonable to be calm where you're currently situated, And so what the hippocampus does in some senses, compare what it is that you want to have happened with what is happening, and if the two things are the same, then you're calm.

  • So it's a match mismatched detector.

  • And it has access not only to memory but also to formulations of, say, the desired future.

  • Um, Swanson.

  • I had people read this Swanson paper last year.

  • I put it in Your reading list is optional.

  • It's worth hacking through if you could manage it.

  • It's very hard paper, though, which is why I took it out of the required reading list.

  • The reason I like Swanson we're gonna talk a fair bit about him today is Swanson is not a psychologist.

  • He's actually ah, developmental neural.

  • I can ever say this properly.

  • Anna.

  • He studies developmental and out of me.

  • Well, we'll do that.

  • And so he's very interested in how the brain unfolds across time during embryonic development and then up into maturity.

  • And so he understands the brain differently than a psychologist would, because the psychologist tends to analyze the brain, you know, as a sort of mature thing, usually in adulthood.

  • But but for Swanson, it's a much more living and transforming system, and he's trying to set forth a schema for understanding brain anatomy and also associating that with function, you know, And you might think that that's a well advanced science already, that we know how to segment up the brain, and we know you know roughly what the pieces do, but we haven't even really managed to establish the terminology problem property yet.

  • It's very narrow.

  • Neuroscience is a very new field, and and this is there's no limit to the number of things that we don't know about it, including even the basic classifications structure.

  • Now Swanson has put forth a very intelligent basic classifications structure and part of the reason that I think it's so relevant to a personality classes because it maps in a beautiful way onto some of the things that we've already talked about, especially PJ.

  • So there's a nice direct mapping of PJ's developmental theory onto Swanson's theory of neuro development and then of neural function.

  • And that's completely accidental because Swanson never sites PJ so they're non overlapping literature.

  • I kind of like that because, you know, if if something pops up in one place with one method and pops up another place with a completely different method, especially if those two places are distinct in terms of their historical development, you might start thinking there's actually something there, you know.

  • It's sort of like seeing something in hearing it.

  • At the same time, you got two independent sources of data.

  • It's like triangulation in a sense.

  • And so it was very exciting to me to come across this paper by Swanson.

  • Um, I think he's one of only two scientists I ever wrote a fan letter to, and really, it's a brilliant paper.

  • And then, uh, there's there's other reasons why it maps onto what we're going to talk about.

  • Two.

  • Because Swanson also points out quite clearly the function of that.

  • He kind of roughly separates the hypothalamus into two halves, and he points out that they have quite distinct functions, and the functions also map onto some of the things that we'd be talking about in a very lovely wait.

  • And so there's a lot of reasons to to go through Swanson's paper carefully.

  • You know, it's like 50 pages long, but the guy put it in some sense.

  • His whole life's work is in those 50 pages.

  • So you know, even if it takes you 12 hours or 20 hours to read it, it's like that's not too bad if you're gonna extract out.

  • Like 30 years of solid research.

  • Gray's book is the same, like, Do you read that book you've got?

  • If you read it and understand it, you've basically got a fair chunk of neuro anatomy, a lot of animal behavior analysis.

  • So behaviorism in general, a lot of psychopharmacology and a lot of understanding of the functional significance of the brain's major neurotransmitter systems.

  • You can get all that from Greece Book, that's that's a killer book, you know if you can extract all that out.

  • So anyways, Carver and Shire also take a cybernetic perspective.

  • Fundamentally, they're more cognitive scientists.

  • You're gonna find their paper a little bit farther down the road.

  • But they're also very interested in how creatures human beings in particular select goals and then align themselves with those schools and for our purposes.

  • We're gonna talk a fair bit about motivation today, and the distinction between motivation and emotion is not clear.

  • They're both words, that sort of function within in linguistic context.

  • But for the sake of argument.

  • And, of course, all the emotions aren't the same stunt like there's one circuit that subsumes emotion.

  • There's multiple circuits that subsume emotion, and they're not identical circuits, you know, So it isn't like every emotion is a variant of the same thing.

  • It's not, and it's the same with the motivation.

  • So they're very loose groupings, motivation and emotion.

  • But for the purposes of our argument, we're going to make this case roughly.

  • Motivations, set goals and roughly emotions orient you in relationship to those schools now.

  • Like I said, those categories overlapped.

  • Anger is usually considered an emotion, and it often has a goal, right?

  • The gold lister hit something or heard something.

  • That's that's one possible goal.

  • So emotions can Segway quite easily into motivational states.

  • But whatever you got to use a category system of some sort to clear clarified things, and so that's what we're going to.

  • We're going to, uh, pursuit motivations, set goals.

  • It's actually more complicated than that.

  • You know, I showed you that little oval diagram with the, you know, desired future and unbearable present, so to speak.

  • Motivations actually, don't just set goals.

  • They also prime behavior, and they also set up the perceptual frame within which you interpret the world.

  • So, for example, if you're hungry, it isn't just that you're driven to eat.

  • First of all, eating is a very complex behavior, especially if it's associated with food preparations.

  • Say you're the systems that you've used in the past to procure food and then to ingest it are sort of disinhibited by the motivational states.

  • So they're at the ready, and then your sensory system is tuned so that it's going to focus on those things that are relevant to eating and tune out everything else.

  • So the motivational state also does perceptual tuning, and then there's a felt component of it as well.

  • So it's not.

  • It's It's not reasonable to only say that motivation sets goals or that it drives behavior.

  • It does three things.

  • Goal setting, behavioral driving.

  • Plus it provides a perceptual schema within which those other two things make sense.

  • And so a motivated state, in some sense, is like a little micro personality.

  • It's going to go out one aim.

  • It's sort of a one eyed micro personality, you know.

  • So it's only aiming at one thing, but it still has all the other aspects of personality, so sort of, you know, for me that that lines nicely with the psychoanalytic idea that you know, you're you're a loose aggregation of multiple fragmented personalities.

  • You know, they're sort of coherently tied together at the highest level of analysis, but they can go off and do their own thing.

  • You see that in situations, for example, like eating disorders where the hunger system itself starts to become almost a spun off part of the personality and the rest of the personality, then wars with that.

  • And that's sort of in some sense that's like cortex first disciple thalamus and you never win.

  • Cortex does not win over hypothalamus.

  • The hypothalamus is what keeps you alive, so it's one of the things that keeps you alive.

  • You could do without your cortex, but you cannot do without.

  • Your hypothalamus and the connection's stretching upwards from the hypothalamus, which is a very old brain area, are much more powerful than the connections coming down from the cortex to modulate the hypothalamus.

  • And that's another indication of just exactly who is in charge when the chips are down, you know, and that's why it's so hard for you to override your basic emotions or motivational states.

  • It's like the system evolved to keep you alive, and it's not particularly willing to give up control in a sense, given that your survival is staked on its function.

  • So it's useful to know that because, you know, if you if you if you if you pursue psychology and you stay within the human side of psychology, say, instead of wandering off into the animal behavioral research, you'll see that most human psychologists and neuroscience ologists are very cortical centric.

  • They really like to think that it's the newly evolved parts of the brain that are in charge, and that's just not right.

  • The newly evolved parts of the brain are in charge on Lee when nothing is bothering you.

  • Like if you're not hungry, you're not thirsty.

  • You're not too excited.

  • You're not too curious.

  • You're not too terrified.

  • You know you're not too cold.

  • You're not too warm any of those.

  • Then the cortex is in charge.

  • But if you deviate substantially across any of those dimensions, the probability that control over your behavior low put in your perceptions is gonna devolve down the evolutionary hierarchy to more primordial brain areas is extremely likely.

  • You know, when you see the same thing happens, you know, maybe you're having a discussion with someone, right?

  • And they exhaust the limits of your rational knowledge, which means basically they out argue you Well, what happens?

  • Well, usually what happens is that people cry or they get angry.

  • It's like they're out of cortex.

  • It's bang right down to the more the lower and more primary evolutionarily determined systems.

  • So okay, now we're gonna take a look at how the brain functions in general.

  • And so we're gonna start pretty general, and then we're gonna go narrow.

  • And the first thing that you might want to think about is what problem exactly is the brain wrestling with?

  • And the major problem is that reality is so complicated.

  • It has so many layers and so money, interconnected causal links that it's complex beyond comprehension.

  • And that's a big problem.

  • I mean, you think about all the subatomic complexity that's that's horrible thing.

  • Then there's the complexity at the atomic level, and that's, you know, pretty overwhelming.

  • And then there's the molecular level, which makes the atomic level looks simple.

  • And then there's all the exceedingly complex structures that emerge out of the molecular level, especially in living organisms.

  • So that would be roughly at the organ level of existence, you know.

  • And then there's you as a totality with your brain, which is, and the brain is so much more complex than everything else in the universe that it's not even in the same category.

  • So there are estimates, for example, by Gerard Edelman that there are more connections in your brain, more patterns of connections in your brain.

  • Then there are subatomic particles in the universe.

  • So you know, that's one major league complex thing, and there's lots of them around and, you know, they're all integrated into families and then, you know, roughly tribal groupings, some of which get large enough to be nations.

  • And then that's all embedded inside of some biological system.

  • So on and so forth, all the way out to the limits of the cosmos.

  • I mean, this is one complicated place, and you know, your job, in large part, is to understand it, but also not to become overwhelmed by it, because you have to simplify it down to the point where you can sort of think about one thing and do one thing, and so you have to screen all of that out so that the complexly complexity doesn't overwhelm you when you're attempting to do anything, anything simple, even to look at yourself in the mirror, which is also a very complicated thing to do.

  • Part of the problem your brain is is always facing his What can I ignore?

  • And the answer to that is, well, you need to ignore almost everything, and that's that's a problem.

  • Because, of course, it's not always obvious what it's okay, What's okay for you to ignore?

  • You know, And that changes on you suddenly, too, because, you know, because you have in perfect knowledge, you may think something's irrelevant and it turns out to be of critical importance so deadly, a deadly, deadly difficult problem.

  • And so one of the ways that we solve this is we're actually pretty blind to to almost everything you know, our sensory input is limited by our physiological limitations, certainly so there's like in terms of visions, we only see a very small little slice of the whole electromagnetic spectrum and it's the same with sounds.

  • And you know, we can only touch things that are basically within our reach.

  • And so that limits things substantially.

  • And and then there are also things we can't detect, like we're not very good at detecting like we don't have the same ability that say platypuses and some fish in detect electromagnetic disturbances around them, on their skin and like their senses that we don't have.

  • So where were narrowed?

  • A fair bit by what it is that we're able to perceive, and we're actually narrowed in what we can perceive far more than anybody ever guessed.

  • So I'm gonna show you a little video here.

  • The monkey business Illusion count how many times the players wearing white passed the ball.

  • The correct answer is 16 passes.

  • Did you spot the gorilla for people who haven't seen or heard about a video like this before?

  • About half Mr Gorilla.

  • If you knew about the gorilla, you probably saw it.

  • But did you notice the curtain changing color or the player on the black team leaving the game?

  • Let's rewind and watch it again.

  • Here comes the gorilla, and there goes a player and the curtain is changing from red to gold.

  • When you're looking for a gorilla, you often miss other unexpected events.

  • And that's the monkey business illusion.

  • Learn more about this illusion and the original gorilla experiment at the invisible gorilla dot com.

  • So how many of you saw the gorilla?

  • You know, let's let's with you.

  • Really?

  • Okay.

  • How many of you had no known about this video beforehand?

  • Yeah, the gorilla part of Yeah.

  • So you guys don't count now and then, You know, I get someone who's seen it before, and they still miss the damn gorilla, so that's pretty funny.

  • So but of course, Simon Dan Simon set this up because his original video got so popular, virally popular that everybody has seen the invisible gorilla.

  • So, you know, now he's showing you that while you think you're smart, you've been clued into how blind you are.

  • And it turns out you're not any smarter than you were to begin with, right?

  • So how many people saw all three things that changed?

  • Now you've seen it before, so OK, and how many didn't Yeah.

  • Okay, So the vast majority of you missed one or more of the things that change?

  • No, they're not really trivial things like the disappearance of a person from six people that's fairly major.

  • And you know, the whole background change color, and you might think you clue into that.

  • So So The weird thing is, even when you're primed to notice what you're supposed to notice, which is to say, Count the balls and you know that something weird is going to happen.

  • You're not.

  • That still doesn't prime you enough so that you can keep track of all the weird things that are happening.

  • And like, this was an absolutely staggering experiment when, when it was first shown, people the psychologists were just like knocked over by it because the hypothesis up to that point had bean always that, you know, you could concentrate on what you were concentrating on.

  • But if something a normal lists are unexpected happened, your attention would be automatically devoted towards.

  • And of course, that's what people would think.

  • You think that you're watching people play basketball and a gorilla walks into the you know area and it's not small that of course you'd be surprised and you'd see it.

  • And it turns out that that's just wrong.

  • And you know what?

  • It tells you a lot about how your nervous system is set up.

  • So you're focusing on counting the balls.

  • And so, for some reason, getting the correct answer to the question, How many times are is the ball thrown back and forth Turns out to be motivational e significant?

  • Why?

  • Why?

  • Why did you you know you got the instructions.

  • Fair enough.

  • But why did you listen to them, Mary?

  • Oh, sure it does.

  • But the question is, why did you even comply with the instructions?

  • Yeah, who said that?

  • Because you want to get the answer right?

  • Why do you care if you got the answer, right?

  • Well, think about it for a minute.

  • I guess it means you're That's right.

  • So that's one possibility.

  • It's like, instantly you sort of interpreted as a little cognitive test.

  • Maybe.

  • And then you want to see if you can do it and you know, so that taps into your hierarchy of values.

  • Part of your value is I want to be maybe a smart and competent person, or I want to be at least a smart and competent as everyone else is playing this game.

  • And so you know, the instruction taps into a pre existent value structure, and then it's motivating.

  • Okay, so, yeah, what compliance is?

  • Well, yes, that's another thing.

  • It's like that.

  • You know the room.

  • In some ways, it's set up to ensure a degree of compliance, right, because there's a there's an implicit story in the room, which is if I'm at the front of it.

  • And so that sort of makes me at the top of the doorman, its hierarchy.

  • And the fact that you're here means you've already bought into that pre supposition.

  • And so it's a logical thing to do to play along with the game.

  • So yes, true that that's more like the playing A game issue right is that while maybe something interesting will happen, Okay, right, right, right.

  • Okay, So there's a variety of reasons why you might listen to the instructions.

  • But the point is, the instructions actually tap into your motivation in here, intrinsic motivation enough so that you will, in fact, attempt to play the game.

  • And then as soon as you play the game, what happens while you focus your very limited attentional resources precisely on what it is that you're supposed to do now.

  • We could talk a little bit about how the visual field it's set up.

  • So you know, you you notice that I can find looking around the room if I want to see you, all of you.

  • I can't just stand here and look straight ahead because all you people over here you're like I can't see if I'm looking straight ahead.

  • I can't see the faces of anyone past here, and I can only see them sort of as blurs.

  • And unless they move and if they move up something that I could see the movement.

  • But I can't.

  • It's not clear to me what's moving, and it's the same for the people over here.

  • The only person I can really see right now is this is the woman who is sitting there in the white sweater.

  • All the rest of you are like and and the person to the right I can Maur less as long as I look at her.

  • I could Maur less see that he's dressed in grey, but I can't see his face at all now is he nodded his head and I could pick that up So what's very strange about your visual system and your sensory systems air like this in In, uh, you know, all your sensory systems.

  • Air like this is that you have a tiny little point of focus where the information is rich.

  • And that's partly because so the center of your eyes, the phobia and its most densely, its most densely packed with cells but more importantly, each of the cells in your phobia, which is the very center of your vision.

  • You could tell when someone's pointing their foe view phobia at you, because then you you know you have the sense that they're looking at you, and human beings are unbelievably good.

  • That figuring out when someone is pointing their phobia at you, we can we can detect.

  • I, um what would you call it, Deviation from direct gaze with an accuracy that's absolutely remarkable.

  • Now each of those little cells in the phobia is connected.

  • Each of the one sells is connected to like 20,000 cells at the first level of the hierarchy of the visual system.

  • And so the reason that your whole I isn't phobias because your head would have to be this big to manage it.

  • So you know what's evolved?

  • It's sort of a compromise Is that in the center of your vision, it's the center of your vision, is very, very detailed.

  • And and then what you do is you zip that center around like snap, snap, snap, snap, snap, snap and your brain sort of makes a amalgamated picture out of all those little snapshots and, you know, then it leaves it together.

  • So it seems to you like it's a continuous what a continuous movie of consciousness, even though it's really not.

  • And then the sides of your eyes, the periphery of your eyes, well, they don't have the same potency is the phobia.

  • And so they kind of play a triage game.

  • It's like, Okay, I can't see if I'm looking straight ahead.

  • I can't see everything.

  • What might I use as an indication that I should move my gaze from where I'm looking to somewhere else?

  • And one answer to that is movement.

  • So the periphery is pretty good at picking up movement, and so often, if you see movement in the periphery, then you move your phobia vision to where the movement waas and then you know, Then you can keep track of what's changing.

  • So what your brain sort of assumes is that when you're looking at something, everything else is irrelevant, and it's also it's also sort of fades into the background.

  • And so that's what's happening with the gorilla video.

  • And so the part of the reason you can't see the damn Guerrillas because he's dressed in black like the players.

  • And so when you're focusing on the basketball, all the black moving things look the same.

  • You know, there's no distinction between them at all.

  • And then the background of the curtain.

  • It's like, Well, first of all, why would you be primed to see the curtain change color like things just don't do that in real life, right?

  • I mean, big objects don't suddenly change color.

  • Very, very seldomly so and butt and more importantly, the fact that the gorilla shows up.

  • The fact that one player leaves and the fact that the curtains change color has no bearing whatsoever on whether or not you can complete the task right.

  • So it doesn't matter if you ignore the information, and that's because it's irrelevant in terms of the interpretive frame, the motivated interpretive frame that you're applying to the scene.

  • And so the rule for perception is don't pay attention to anything that isn't directly relevant to the desired outcome.

  • Now, exactly how you calculate what you can pay attention to and what you can't.

  • That's very complicated.

  • It's e mean, you build that knowledge bit by bit over time, and you could be wrong about it, too.

  • But so So the old idea was, you know, well, first of all, that you were very much conscious of the environment, period, which you're not.

  • And then the second idea was Well, while you're being conscious of the environment, if anything changes radically, you will definitely focus your attention on it.

  • And then, And what turned out to be the case is, well, you're not very conscious of the environment and radical things can happen, and you won't notice them unless they interfere with what you're doing.

  • So something that emerges that interferes, what with what you're doing that you don't expect you will instantly orient towards and concentrate on.

  • So it isn't a normally or novelty that attracts your attention.

  • It's the unexpected disruption of the relationship between your behaviors and the desired outcome of those behaviors, and that's a much narrower claim.

  • Only pay attention to things that make you fail.

  • It's something like that for at least additionally, pay attention to things that make you fail.

  • And, you know, generally speaking, that's also associated with an emotional response, you know, So if you're doing something and you know you think you know how to do it, so you're doing it, then all of a sudden, something unexpected happens.

  • You're going to have an emotional reaction, and we'll talk more about the emotional reactions in the next class.

  • But the emotional reaction partly prepares you for the worst.

  • In case this unexpected thing is bigger than you think it is and sort of also primes you to be curious and to start to explore, to figure out what it is so that you can reconstruct your expectations and desires in accordance with the transforming world.

  • So this slide is elaboration in some sense of what I was telling you a little bit earlier about the multiple levels of reality, and also the idea is that the thing that you see which in this particular scheme would be the computer hat is nested inside all of these systems or has other systems nested inside of it.

  • And that's part of an indication of the complexity of things.

  • Now you know one of the things that you might think about.

  • For example, if you're using your computer, one of the things you might ask yourself is like, Why is your computer a black rectangle?

  • Or like a silver rectangles, all smooth and shiny?

  • Why is that?

  • You know, like it's not clear.

  • First, it's not transparent.

  • Okay?

  • And and then it's got this smooth cover and it wouldn't necessarily have to.

  • Why do you think that's appealing to you?

  • Okay, so it's familiar.

  • Yeah, and that's good.

  • So it's familiar.

  • What?

  • What else is it?

  • It's simple.

  • You don't wantto.

  • You don't wantto interact with the computer at all you want to attract with little pictures on the screen, and then you don't even really want interact with those.

  • You want to interact with some subset of what that picture is doing on the screen, and so you're very, very rarely using the computer right?

  • You're just paying attention to Well, let's say the screen in the keyboard.

  • So the computer is whatever's underneath out, then what?

  • What that is is a collection of parts that are so bloody complicated that you don't want to have anything to do with them.

  • That air nested inside a whole network of things that are so complex you don't want to have anything to do with them.

  • And so so you know what happens when you're using a computer?

  • Is all of a sudden it stops working?

  • Well, then it's a computer.

  • As soon as it stops working, it's a computer.

  • Before that, it was whatever it was you were doing.

  • And as soon as it turns into a computer, what do you do with it?

  • Well, you know, you stupidly hit the on and off button.

  • Maybe a plug it in and you know it out or something.

  • Maybe you check your switches to make sure that a fuse didn't burn out or a breaker go.

  • And that's pretty much the end of you in terms of your ability to deal with the actual entity, you know.

  • And then you curse with your primate brain and then you send it out to be fixed.

  • And so one of the things that's that's that's worth considering because this will also help us understand what happens in terms of brain function as we go along.

  • Is that as long as things are going according to how you want them to go, you can really pretend that the world is unbelievably simple.

  • All the world consists of is those few things that you're doing in your little bounded perceptual frame, and everything else is zero.

  • And then, unfortunately, now and then, the hypothesis that everything else is zero is radically wrong.

  • Like when your computer crashes and then you have to actually for a while have to deal with at least some of the complexity that's actually there, And that's usually extremely anxiety provoking.

  • So you know, you can imagine the same situation is while you're in your nice, smooth car and you're on the highway, and all of a sudden you know, you hear a horrible grinding noise and smoke comes out of the back and you're you're off pulled over to the side.

  • Well, what was merely a means of getting from point A to B in comfort, like two seconds ago, is now a collection of extremely troublesome parts, none of which you know anything about.

  • Plus, it's disrupted your day.

  • Plus, it's disrupted your pocketbook.

  • Plus, you have to now deal with a bunch of people who are going to tell you what's wrong with your vehicle and maybe fix it for some completely unknown amount of money.

  • And with dubious utility and so poof, the car turns into that.

  • And so it's It's almost impossible to overestimate the degree to which we live with in a world that's bounded by our expectations and desires and how much time we spend keeping everything that's complex away from us so that we don't have to deal with it.

  • Okay, so now we might want to think about how we do that.

  • I'm gonna show you This is a little schemer.

  • That might be helpful.

  • So, like, I made this little diagram of dots because I wanted to make an ambiguous figure.

  • So I'm hoping that when you look at that figure, what do you see when you look at it?

  • The center What?

  • What?

  • What shape is the center across?

  • Okay, so you can see across.

  • What else can you see?

  • It's a rectangle.

  • Yeah.

  • What else can you see?

  • It's four squares.

  • Yeah, exactly.

  • So what else can you see?

  • That's a good one.

  • I haven't seen that one.

  • I'll take your word for it, though.

  • What else can you see?

  • I'll show you some of the things you can see.

  • Okay, You see that, right?

  • See that?

  • See that?

  • You could see that.

  • You could see that.

  • Okay, So the first thing that you might note is that the thing in the beginning, the thing in itself, let's say you can see melt multiple ways.

  • It's not exactly that you have an opinion about what it is, you know, it's that you can actually see those different things.

  • You can see it manifesting those different perceptual objects and that that's a strange thing, because you know how people always think that arguments airboat opinions.

  • There's some facts, and you have one set of opinions about them and you have another.

  • And then you argue about the opinions till you get to the facts.

  • Unfortunately, it's a lot worse than that, because the facts themselves are often reasonably subject to debate.

  • So So you might ask, for example, which of the five ways that you could see that initial thing is the right way to see it.

  • And the answer to that and this is a pragmatic answer is it depends on what you want to do with your perception, you know.

  • So if you want, If you want the highest resolution that captures as much detail as possible, then you want something as close to the thing itself as possible.

  • So that probably be object.

  • Five.

  • There, you know, if you want to know the rough area, let's say that's a map of an orchard you might think about Object one.

  • If it's an orchard from the top, right, and you wanted to walk from north to South, you might want to think about it in terms of object.

  • Three.

  • You know, so those air different ways you can perceive that object.

  • And then I would say that what happens at the next level of abstraction and that's where you've got the numbers and words down here is that you have the thing in itself, which is complex and could be seen many ways.

  • Then you have the things you see which are partial, sort of low resolution representation of the thing itself.

  • And then there are words which are at least in part references to the image of the thing.

  • And so, by the time you get to the word, it's pretty compressed.

  • And I really like the metaphor of compression, you know?

  • So because a lot of the things you see, you're sort of like thumbnails.

  • And why are thumbnails useful?

  • You guys to have done some, you know, image processing?

  • Say, like, obviously a thumbnail lacks some things that a 16 megabyte said about right now.

  • How bigger cameras?

  • 16 megabytes for a single photo.

  • What's that?

  • Yeah, well, I think the new cameras are up.

  • I think they're up to 16.

  • The newest generations.

  • Okay, so why have thumbnail if you have a 16 megabyte picture?

  • Okay, but why not use the picture, right?

  • That's exactly it is that there's a trade off between detailed representation and time utilization time and resource utilization.

  • And, you know, like like a computer.

  • You guys have limited time and resources and so you don't actually want to see any more than you need to see in order to get what you're supposed to get done.

  • Done, because otherwise it's just a waste of energy.

  • And so what that means is that your brain is always trying to figure out, in some sense what's the simplest way I can represent this so that I can undertake whatever it is that I'm planning to undertake next.

  • And that's sort of again, from a philosophical perspective, that's actually something pragmatic.

  • Okay, so then you might ask yourself, You organize your perceptions in relationship to your goals And then you might ask yourself what?

  • Where those goals come from?

  • You know, when we've we've heard from thinkers like, say, Freud, who talked about the end functions.

  • And the end is sort of the seat off primordial impulses, right?

  • And so you might might think about the end as the producer of primary goals or drives.

  • And four, I did think about them as dry.

  • So they were things that led to a relatively rigid behavioral algorithm once the the state had arisen.

  • Now, as I mentioned before, I think that that's a flawed viewpoint, because the motivational state is more than merely a drive, because the drive is something that say triggers.

  • Ah, pre programmed sequence of behaviors and a lot of the early behaviours thought about animal behavior in that weight, right?

  • They'd say the animal encounter a stimulus and the stimulus would produce a response, and then the responses would get chained together.

  • And then when the animal encountered the stimulus again, then just those chained responses would automatically run.

  • And one of the famous experiments that showed that that was wrong was a rat was trained to run through a maze.

  • You could sort of trainer out pretty quickly if you know you, you put him in the maze and there's like, You go this way or this way and you put some cheese over here.

  • You do that three or four times, the rat learns to turn right.

  • And then you had another piece to the maze and, you know, thin the rat learns to turn left, and so you can get it turning, you know, extremely in an extremely complicated way to walk through the maze.

  • But then what they did was they took a rat and they wrapped up its hind legs, you know, like with tape so it couldn't use them.

  • And then they put its little rear end on a cart, and then they had the little rat scoot through the maze on the cart, and it's obvious that a scooting rat and a running route don't use the same motor output not even close, and the rat could still get through the maze.

  • So the idea that all the rat had done was chained together learned automatic responses turned out to be wrong.

  • Rats.

  • It's more like rats learn what's going on and can generalize from it, just like you do so So anyway.

  • So the notion that the drive just in Stan sheets a sequence of pre program behaviors in most cases in many cases, especially with complex behavior, turns out to be wrong.

  • There's some limited circumstances under which it's right.

  • Okay, so the first hypothesis we're going to entertain is the idea that you have to frame the world in order to interact with it.

  • This is sort of a little mythological diagram that I whipped up a long time ago, And the bottom thing that's honourable Rose, by the way, which is a dragon that eats its own tail.

  • It's an ancient symbol of chaos, and chaos is what you see when you don't know what you're looking at.

  • And so you could say in some sense, chaos is all the complexity that surrounds you, that could possibly intrude on your little safe world.

  • And then to grasp that chaos or to operate within it, you have to put it within a framework.

  • And so that's the great father there.

  • That's actually God you see in God's Got the Sun behind him because God is like the sun.

  • He's reliable and he's associated with consciousness.

  • And then he sort of ruling over this city.

  • And so for me, that was a good symbol of culture and put in part cultures what's outside of you.

  • But in part, culture is also the frameworks that you've learned to use by being with other people the frameworks that you've learned to use too narrow and specify the world.

  • And in my motive, thinking the framing is associated with security on the one hand, because it tells you what you can do and, you know makes things safe for you and tyranny, on the other hand, because it can get out of control and you know you can start to get to ridge whatever, regardless of the pros and cons of framing.

  • If you see something one way, then you can't see it.

  • Another.

  • It's harder to see it.

  • Another.

  • So that's the corn side of framing.

  • The pro side of framing is well, then you get to do something.

  • If it's unframed, you're in chaos.

  • It's existentially anxiety.

  • You're not gonna move ahead at all.

  • You have to frame things.

  • You have to simplify them.

  • And really, in some sense, you even have to over simplify them.

  • Depends on what you mean by that.

  • But what you're really trying to do is to never make your perceptual task any more complex.

  • And it has to be in order to get done what you need to get done.

  • So how do you frame things?

  • Well, the first thing we should point out is that loaded framing doesn't even happen psychologically, right?

  • So here you are, sitting in this classroom and you're not overwhelmed by chaos.

  • But why?

  • Well, first of all, you're in a city that's helpful.

  • There's electricity here in this natural gas, and there's people to fix all the plumbing.

  • And so the fact that you're in a city makes life much simpler right off the bat.

  • There's no nothing trying to eat you.

  • You don't have to contend with the fact that it's like minus 20 for three months and you know, so that's a whole bunch of complexity that the civilized world has just taken care of for you.

  • And then, you know, now you're in the university in the city and that eliminates a whole bunch of other hassles.

  • You know, there's some things you have to do, but there's a bunch of things you don't have to do, and then you're inside this building and, well, look at that.

  • There's electric light here and, you know, and the chairs work and there's not gonna be an earthquake, and probably the whole building isn't going to fall down.

  • So, you know, by the time you're sitting in your chair here also with your clothing on, you screamed a lot of complexity out already, and so you can sit there fairly calmly.

  • And so that's all external now.

  • Part of the reason, and this is this is worth thinking about because this isn't only psychological.

  • You guys will hear a fair bit about terror management theories.

  • As you progress through your education and sow terror.

  • Management theories are theories that attempt to account for why people, our say, patriotic in their beliefs why they adopt belief systems.

  • And the idea is that, AH, belief system protects you from death anxiety.

  • And so Freud's sort of said that about religious systems that was his critique of religion.

  • People are afraid of death, and so they they have this infantile desire to have that fear go away So they turn to religion and religion says while death isn't permanent.

  • And that's why people are religious.

  • And the extension of that is well, that's also why they have belief systems in general.

  • They're trying to protect themselves against this deep shaking anxiety, and to some degree, I suspect that's true.

  • But you should also remember that when you're protecting your cultures, say, if you identify with it your patriotic or whatever it is, or you think that your culture is worth defending your not just defending something psychological, it's like the culture, the function, the functioning culture keeps the lights on, you know, so it doesn't just protect you from death anxiety.

  • It also protects you from death.

  • And that's even more important most of the time than being protected from death anxiety.

  • Now there's a psychological component to it, too, but you don't ever want to underestimate just the practical utility of being nested inside.

  • You know what PJ would consider a relatively functional gate?

  • It's like your worlds a lot simpler, you know, you have to work to maintain it and everything, and that's kind of a drag.

  • Maybe that's the tyrannical element of it.

  • But you know the payoffs pretty big.

  • Okay, so if you look at medieval cities, this is a well preserved medieval city in France.

  • It's a lot of medieval cities that still exist in Europe, and you see, this is a typical sort of human habitation.

  • It's like inside disorder and outside there's chaos and barbarians.

  • And then there's a couple of walls to keep the chaos and the barbarians out and that inside, you know, there's a dominant Tarkin.

  • Everybody can live there relatively productive and relatively peaceful lives inside of that.

  • It's all framing, getting rid of complexity, unnecessary complexity, same thing with houses.

  • They do the same thing for you, and then social institutions do the same thing to it's like, Okay, this is ah, is it Kennedy there?

  • And Obama?

  • I think so.

  • This is part of the transition in power from George Bush to Obama.

  • And you know, that's a pretty scary thing to have your leader of your dominance hierarchy replaced by another leader.

  • And, you know, among chimpanzees, for example, that's often the occasion for a fair bit of mayhem.

  • And it's also the case, often for people that that's, you know, that that occurs.

  • And, you know, we still have that in the form of political corruption and so on.

  • But they're all things considered.

  • You know.

  • The power transition from Obama, or from Bush to Obama was far more peaceful than such power transitions generally are.

  • If you look across the history of mankind, and so that means you're also protected by your social institutions, they screen out a lot of potential complexity as well, as long as they're functional.

  • And and also, I think, as long as they follow some of the P A jetty and rules.

  • And so one of the PJD in rules for a for a playable game, is there some reciprocity?

  • You know, you regard the system roughly speaking as either fair or fairer than any other system.

  • You can think up boils down to the same thing because if it's not fair but you can't come up with a better fantasy.

  • Well, it's as good as it can be.

  • So so that the sociological or associate political structures that keep complexity away from us can only operate under a certain limited number of constraints.

  • But still, they performed their function, you know, and very admirably it's It's amazing, I think, cause I see people in my clinical practice all the time.

  • Most people that I see I think this is true of most people in the world have at least one serious problem.

  • You know, it might be they have an illness that's just God awful, or or if they don't have an illness, one of their immediate family has an illness.

  • That's God awful, or they're you know, they're really old and they need to be taken care of or they're suffering from some insane economic problem or they've just being unemployed or whatever.

  • You know, there's there's something in the immediate circle that's really, really difficult to grapple with, and yet people still go out and maintain their place in the world, and the whole thing roughly works.

  • And to me, that's just a continual source of amazement that people can pull that off, you know?

  • So anyway, so a lot of the screening that you do to get rid of that complexity is external, and part of that is the consequence of good, well functioning sociological organization.

  • Then the next thing that sort of screens things out for you is your body right now, look, you kind of naturally see things at a particular level of resolution, right?

  • There's no obvious reason why that should be so.

  • You know, you see the front of people, you can't see the

I started to talk to you about trade theory, and now I'm going to make a jump to biology.

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2017年の性格15:生物学・特技。肢体系 (2017 Personality 15: Biology/Traits: The Limbic System)

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    林宜悉 に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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