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  • Hi, I'm Adriene Hill, and Welcome back to Crash Course Statistics.

  • We've learned a lot about how statistics can help us understand the world better, make

  • better decisions, and guess what will happen in the future.

  • Prediction is a huge part of how modern statistical analysis is used, and it's helped us make

  • improvements to our lives.

  • Big AND small.

  • But predictions are just educated guesses.

  • We use the information that we have to build up a model of how the world works.

  • A lot of the example we talked about earlier in the series were making predictions about

  • the present.

  • Things likewhich coffee shop has better coffeeorHow much does an increase

  • in cigarette smoking decrease heart health”.

  • But in this episode, we're going to focus more on using statistics to make predictions

  • about the future.

  • Like who will win the next world series, or what stock will do well next month.

  • Looking back at times when we've failed to make accurate predictions can help us understand

  • more about how to get it right or whether we just don't have enough information.

  • Today, we're going to talk about three areas of prediction: markets, Earthquakes, and Elections.

  • We'll look at why predicting these events can be tricky why we get it wrong.

  • INTRO

  • Banks were influential in creating the perfect storm that lead to the 2008 financial crisis.

  • If you've seen the Big Short, or read the book it's based on, you know that.

  • You also know that Steve Carell should never go blonde again.

  • The financial crisis is really complicated we're about to simplify a lot….but if

  • you are interested you can check out Episode 12 of our Economics series.

  • For now, we're going to focus on two prediction issues related to the crisis: 1.

  • overestimating the independence of loan failures and 2.

  • Economists who didn't see the crisis coming.

  • So before the crisis, banks were giving out mortgages to pretty-much anyone.

  • Normally, banks--and lenders in general--are choosy about who they lend to.

  • If you give someone a million dollar loan, and they can't pay it back, you lose out.

  • But banks weren't hanging on to the debt they were selling it to others.

  • They combined mortgages into groups and sold shares of the loans as mortgage backed securities.

  • The banks knew some people wouldn't pay their loan in full, but when the mortgages

  • were packaged together, the risk was supposedly mitigated.

  • Say that there's a 10% chance that each borrower will default on--or fail to repay--their

  • loan.

  • While not totally risky, it's not ideal for investors.

  • But if you packaged even 5 similar loans together, the probability that all of them will default

  • is now only 0.001%.

  • Because the probability of all of them failing--if each loan failing is independent of another

  • loan failing--is 0.1 to the 5th power.

  • But we just made a prediction mistake.

  • Many investors overestimated the independence of loan failures.

  • They didn't take into account that if the then-overvalued housing market and subsequently

  • the economy began to crumble, the probability of loans going unpaid would shoot way up.

  • They also had bad estimates for just how risky some of these loans were.

  • Families were losing homes, and the unemployment rate in the U.S. steadily increased from around

  • 5% to as high as 10% in just a couple years.

  • There was a global recession that most economists' models hadn't predicted.

  • To this day, they're still debating exactly why Economist John T. Harvey claims, “Economics

  • is skewed towards rewarding people for building complex mathematical models, not for explaining

  • how the actual economy works.”

  • Others theorize that we need to focus more on people and their sometimes irrational behavior.

  • Wharton Finance professor Franklin Allen partly attributes our inability to predict the financial

  • crisis to models that underplayed the impact of banks.

  • The same banks that were involved in the lending practices that helped create--and then deflate--the

  • housing bubble.

  • He claims, “That's a large part of the issue.

  • They simply didn't believe the banks were important.”

  • But they were.

  • Prediction depends a lot on whether or not you have enough data available.

  • But it also depends on what your model deems asimportant”.

  • You can collect a HUGE amount of data predicting the rates of diabetes in each country.

  • But if your model only considers hair color, whether or not a person drives a hybrid, and

  • the number of raccoons they think they can fight it probably won't be a good model.

  • When we create a model to predict things, we're trying to use data, math, and statistics

  • in order to approximate how the world works.

  • We're never going to get it perfect, but if we include most of the important things,

  • we can usually get pretty close.

  • Even if we can tell what features will be important, it might be hard to get enough

  • data.

  • Earthquakes are particularly difficult to predict.

  • The United States Geological Survey even has a webpage dedicated to telling the public

  • that currently, earthquakes just aren't predictable.

  • Clusters of smaller earthquakes often happen before larger ones.

  • But these pre-quakes aren't that helpful in predicting when a big earthquake will hit,

  • because they're almost just as often followed by NOTHING.

  • In order to accurately predict an earthquake you would need three pieces of information:

  • its location, magnitude, and time.

  • It can be relatively easy to get two out of three of those.

  • For example, I predict that there will be an earthquake in the future in Los Angeles,

  • California.

  • And I'd be right.

  • But unless I can also specify an exact time, no one's going to be handing me any honorary

  • degrees in seismology.

  • We're not bad at earthquake forecasting even if we struggle with accurate earthquake

  • prediction.

  • Earthquake forecasting focuses on the probabilities of earthquakes, usually over longer periods

  • of time.

  • It can also help predict likely effects and damage.

  • This forecasting work is incredibly important for mitigating the sometimes devastating effects

  • of larger earthquakes.

  • For example, scientists might look at the likelihood of severe earthquakes along the

  • San Andreas fault.

  • Their estimates can help inform building codes, disaster plans for the area, and even earthquake

  • insurance rates.

  • And earthquakes are not without some kind of pattern.

  • They do tend to occur in clusters, with aftershocks following quakes in a pretty predictable pattern.

  • But in his book The Signal and the Noise, Nate Silver warns about looking so hard at

  • the data, that we see noise--random variation with no pattern--as a signal.

  • The causes of earthquakes are incredibly complex.

  • And the truth is, we're not in a place where we can accurately predict when, where, and

  • how they'll occur.

  • Especially the larger, particularly destructive earthquakes.

  • To predict a magnitude 9 earthquake, we'd need to look at data on other similar earthquakes.

  • But there just isn't that much out there.

  • Realistically it could be centuries before we have enough to make solid predictions.

  • Even for more common magnitude earthquakes, it could a lot of data before we have enough

  • to see the pattern amidst all the randomness.

  • Some experts have written off the possibility of accurate earthquake prediction almost entirely,

  • but others hold on to the hope that with enough data and time we'll figure it out.

  • Speaking of earthquakes, the 2016 US presidential election results have been described as a

  • political earthquake.

  • Many experts didn't predict the election of President Donald Trump.

  • It's easy to forget that predictions are not certain.

  • If we could be 100% certain about anything, we wouldn't really need predictions.

  • In the past, we've talked about the fact that when predicting percentages, like how

  • many people will vote for one candidate vs. the other, there are margins of error.

  • If candidate A is predicted to get 54 +/- 2% of the vote, that means that experts predict

  • that candidate A will get 54% of the vote, but wouldn't be surprised by 52 or 55%.

  • These margins help communicate uncertainty.

  • But when predictions are discrete--likewill winorwon't win”--it can be easier

  • to misunderstand this uncertainty.

  • It's possible for predictions to fail without models being bad.

  • Nate Silver discusses the fact that many predictions put Trump's chance of winning the 2016 presidential

  • election at about 1 in 100.

  • Silver's prediction on his website, FiveThirtyEight, put Trump at a much higher chance of about

  • 3 in 10.

  • If you had forced statisticians to predict a winner, the smart choice according to these

  • numbers would have been Hillary Clinton.

  • But here's the problem: many people see 1 in 100 odds against an event, and take it

  • to mean that the event is essentially impossible.

  • By the numbers, a 1 in 100 chance--even though low-still says the event will happen 1 every

  • 100 times.

  • There's been a lot of debate about how these polls and predictionsgot it wrong”.

  • But one thing that we should take away from the election prediction is that low probabilities

  • don't equal impossible events.

  • If a meticulously curated prediction gives a 1 in 100 chance for a candidate to win,

  • and that candidate wins, it doesn't mean that the prediction was wrong.

  • Unlikely things do happen, and we need to take that into account.

  • But we still should keep striving to make our polls better.

  • Many who have done post-mortems on the 2016 election polls and predictions attribute some

  • blame to biases in the polls themselves.

  • According to the New York Times, “Well-educated voters are much likelier to take surveys than

  • less educated ones.”

  • That means we had a non-response bias from those less educated voters.

  • Because of that, Nate Silver argues that pollsters put too much emphasis on the responses of

  • college-educated voters, who were more likely to vote for Clinton.

  • By improperly weighting them, they overestimated her chance of winning.

  • Prediction isn't easy.

  • Well making bad predictions is easy.

  • I predict that at the end of this episode, Brandon will bring me 10 German Chocolate

  • Cakes and I will eating them with my raccoons.

  • But making good predictions is hard.

  • And even good predictions can be hard to interpret.

  • In order to make accurate predictions a lot of things need to go right.

  • First, we need good, accurate, and unbiased data.

  • And lots of it.

  • And second, we need a good model.

  • One that takes into account all the important variables.

  • There's a quote attributed Confucius that I'm not really sure he said that goes something

  • like: To know what you know and what you do not know, that is true knowledge.

  • For example, I know that I don't know that he said that, so I am quite knowledgeable.

  • There's great value in knowing what we can and can't predict.

  • While we shouldn't stop trying to make good predictions, there's wisdom in recognizing

  • that we won't always be able to get it right.

  • Knowing what we can't accurately predict may be just as important as making accurate predictions.

  • Thanks for watching. I'll see you next time.

Hi, I'm Adriene Hill, and Welcome back to Crash Course Statistics.

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予測が失敗するときクラッシュコースの統計 #43 (When Predictions Fail: Crash Course Statistics #43)

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    林宜悉 に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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