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  • So I'm here today with author Greg Lukianoff and Jonathan Tight.

  • Greg is president of Fire, the Foundation for Individual Rights and Education, and Jonathan Height is, Ah, an eminent social psychologist and professor of ethical leadership at New York University's Stern School of Business.

  • They have co authored a new book called The Coddling of the American Mind, which is an elaborated version of Ah, famous Atlantic Monthly as, say, they published a while back.

  • And so today we're here to talk about their new book and in both the state of the universities and I suppose, society at large.

  • So thanks guys very much for joining me today.

  • Thanks for asking.

  • So I thought maybe we'd start talking about the book.

  • So do you guys want to provide some background?

  • Uh, maybe you could talk about the Atlantic Monthly essay and what led up to the book, and then we'll get into the details.

  • Sure, sure, that over the great Well, um, So it all started in 2007 when I was lucky enough to have a full on medical level depression.

  • Um, really, really bad.

  • I talk about it in some sordid detail in the in the book, I realized it's actually the level of which I don't even I realize I wrote about it with details that might.

  • My wife doesn't know My family does that, that there's that weird privacy thing that sometimes happens when you talk camp.

  • You know, dictating into a computer that you come like this just between me and a computer.

  • And I realize it's crying.

  • The most public thing, a liver right.

  • But the thing that saved me the thing that ultimately helped me deal with my depressions general, was cognitive behavioral therapy.

  • In a sense, it's sort of like applied stoicism.

  • You just look at your own thoughts.

  • You talk back to the really exaggerate one's.

  • You label them as cognitive distortions.

  • That does include things like generalization, uh, catastrophe izing, binary, thinking, thinking.

  • Everything has to be there all good or all bad.

  • I'm actually predictability of these, and amazingly, if you just actually learn what these distortions are and practice every day to sort of talk back to sort of the more anxious or depressed voices in your own head, it's an incredibly effective treatment for depression.

  • Anxiety and change absolutely changed my life.

  • Meanwhile, asked this is changing my life.

  • I still work.

  • I'm so the president of fire, which means I defend free speech and due process and active freedom on campus.

  • And I was what?

  • And while I was learning all of these intellectual habits all these ways to sort of talk yourself down.

  • I was looking around at what administrators were doing and then asked and saying to myself, Wow, it's actually kind of like the administrator to single, By the way, do engage in cognitive distortions.

  • Do engage in binary thinking, do over generalizing most of all catastrophe eyes all the time.

  • And I remember thinking to something to the effect that well, thank goodness the students don't seem to really be buying it.

  • And that's what changed in 2013 2014 prior to 2013 24 teams since I started in 2001.

  • The worst constituency for free speech on campus was actually administrators.

  • The best, most reliable fans of free speech you could run into on campus were generally the students themselves.

  • And then sometime around 2013 2014 we saw you know, suddenly they were demanding, you know, everything trigger warnings to my progression policies to dis invitations for even people.

  • But but both the left and the right on the spectrum.

  • And it seemed that, like we said, it seemed to happen almost overnight.

  • And this, Ah, and when I want to talk Thio John about it way become friends through a mutual friend.

  • And I said, It's almost that I talked about my whole theory that we're teaching a generation the the habits of interest and depressed people from Cargo Bay bro therapy.

  • John got really excited about the idea of and asked if I wanted to write about it.

  • And I was already a fan of John's work, so I was like, Absolutely yeah, So I thought that his his insight into what had changed was absolutely brilliant.

  • I had just begun to notice this in my own teaching.

  • I've been teaching since 1995 theorist Virginia originally, and it was a bust, seemingly overnight, right around 2014.

  • These new ideas, you know, students, of course, our political.

  • They protest, they object to things.

  • But what was new?

  • Greg put his finger on it.

  • What was new was the idea that his words are going to arm and me not just offend me, not just be unjust harmed me.

  • We have to protect It was this idea that since our fragile and need protection protection should come from administrators from adults.

  • That's what was new and disturbing.

  • Where were you guys talked in the book about concept creep, you know, in envy and the over generalization of the idea of trauma.

  • And, you know, one of the things that's really struck me as interesting about the safe space movements and the micro aggression policies and all the bodies that it does run so contrary to what every clinician worth his or her salt knows about treating anxiety or depression.

  • And it's one of so that's kind of a remarkable phenomenon in itself.

  • Is that what we know clinically has been absolutely inverted by people who are hypothetically agitating on the part of students mental health?

  • And it's not as if the mental health community has stood up on Mars and denounced this so and I also don't I don't understand that I also don't understand how we got here.

  • You guys talk in the book a little bit about you're a little bit of you had thought that I was a little bit about the Internet generation, right?

  • And those of kids born after 1995.

  • You don't put the finger on the Millennials, but but let's talk a little bit about why you think things changed in 2013.

  • In 2014.

  • Just first, say your point about about how this is not his holster.

  • These is nobody's or not clinically supported.

  • Uh, something that we suggest in the book.

  • We don't know.

  • We don't know if the depleted which this is going on.

  • To what extent is this a sincere desire for protection and a sincere belief that students are fragile?

  • And to what extent is it?

  • The pursuing of of a political agenda and making political points and using mental health is a cover.

  • I think both our operative and so animate, depending on the context.

  • So why do you Why do you think the 1st 1 is operative?

  • Because this runs so contrary to everything that's known about the actual protection of mental health.

  • I'm very skeptical about attributing, um, positive motivation to it.

  • Like it seems to me that it's fundamentally driven by resentment.

  • Well, it's so, uh so you're absolutely right that the psychological community does not support this but yet has not stood up very vocally to condemn it.

  • So I we are hopeful that psychologists and psychiatrists, everyone we spoke to agreed that wrongly, yes, that's right.

  • That exactly the worst thing to D'Oh for someone who suffers from PTSD is to sweep clean their daily life of reminders, thereby denying that the chance to to devote to habituate to dina de condition the power of these quote triggers in the real world.

  • Oh, it's worse in some sense, too, because one of the things you do when you expose people who have anxiety disorders to the things they're anxious about is not make them less anxious, but make them more courageous, right?

  • And that's why generalize is because the psychoanalysts thought that exposure would just mean the fears would pop up somewhere else.

  • But they don't and it's because people learn that there's more to them than they thought.

  • And then when you protect them, not only view, not exposed them, which is a big problem, but you also teach them to generalize the idea of their weakness, which is a really terrible thing to do.

  • The people.

  • So you couldn't invent a more counterproductive mental health movement and instituted on campuses if you set out to design it and that that's something that we always try to emphasize and that love is a base so interesting for us to look at was the one thing because, you know, the third and I free speech movements coming from students in the relatively recent past, the late eighties and early nineties, for example.

  • But the thing that was so striking was that they were medicalizing all all of these claims And like, you know, of course, they're sitting there going like that doesn't sound right eye Doctor John.

  • He was like that didn't sound right.

  • And we interviewed for the original article, maybe seven different clinical psychologist CBT experts.

  • You know, for example, and the thing I keep on trying, but I keep on explaining it is it's as if returning up.

  • But what could be a minor aversion into something more like a phobia?

  • Because we're giving it so much more power.

  • And the worst thing of all that we're doing so much of our campuses were turning into a schema.

  • We're turning the idea that I'm actually in that I'm broken into into.

  • It's a permanent sort of self definition.

  • So that's why I do think that there's sort of a mixed motive thing going on here.

  • I think that we have a self fulfilling prophecy going on to some degree.

  • But I do think that that some of this kind of hopeless ideology is actually genuinely Harvard students actually making them more interesting, depressed.

  • And of course, it's great.

  • It's really incompatible how you have a You also cites statistics to that end.

  • So one of the things you guys concentrate on the book, these statistics indicating that there has, in fact mean there is evidence of decline in mental health over the last.

  • What is it about the last decade since around 22,009 to 2012 is when things that's the elbow, that's where things begin to our up and then they go steadily up, um, to about 2015 2016.

  • We don't know if they're still going up there flat towing, but this is what's going into a little bit of detail because it was just an article in The New York Times Richard Friedman.

  • It's like high interest, wrote an article.

  • Something about how the idea of Ah waving a new increased anxiety is a myth, he said.

  • I said It's just based on one or two You know, there's a couple of self report studies in which students say that they're more anxious.

  • And he dismissed that and said, Don't worry, America, Your kids aren't becoming more anxious.

  • So we thought we dug into this in detail.

  • We did not want to catastrophes.

  • We did not want to foment a moral panic.

  • So we didn't want to say, you know, Oh my God, the sky's falling Kids are depressed and anxious So we looked into this in great detail.

  • Uh, and we were heat.

  • So we were looking for this data in our Atlantic article and it wasn't there.

  • That is that.

  • There were anecdotes everywhere.

  • People were saying the mental health centers are swamped, so there were plenty reports from mental health centers.

  • But isn't this just because kids these days are more comfortable seeking treatment?

  • That's why the mental health centers or swap.

  • Maybe there's no real increase.

  • So in Atlanta card, if we could not make a strong case, we left it very speculative.

  • But just two years later, when jean twenties book came out, i jen and she brought in data from four National National Representative surveys showing that it really is an increase.

  • Again, those were almost all self report What convinced us, but convinced us that Israel is that there was a There was a major study done published in a Journal of American Medical Association, looking at hospital admission data.

  • So they broke it down by gender, and you always have to look male, female separate.

  • They broke it down by sex and by age group within teenagers and for all of the age groups of the girls teenage girls, hospital admissions for self harm, for cutting yourself taking, which is non fatal.

  • It's flat, flat, flat and then right around 2011 2012 2013 he starts going up and up and up.

  • And of course, the raid is lowest for 11 to 13 year old girls.

  • They're less like to do this, but the increase was the largest, and 20 says that social media over social comparison seems to be hardest on the youngest girls.

  • So the cell phone data confirms this is behavioral data.

  • This is not self report, Uh, and then the real kicker.

  • Unfortunately, it's suicide.

  • If you look at the suicide statistics, they show the same pattern as the self report of depression data, which is, if you look at the first decade of the century, So 2001 to do 2010.

  • Take the average.

  • A number of kids who killed himself successfully commit suicide.

  • The rate for boys from that decade up through 2015 2060 those two years of data goes up up up, up 25% which is gigantic.

  • There's been an enormous increase in boys suicide.

  • The increase for girls is 70% 70 So, boys, the rate is higher for boys because girls make many more attempts.

  • But boys methods so so the increase is actually really apparently, but as a percentage, it's much higher for girls.

  • Social media.

  • At least this is twenties argument, and we think there's some validity to it.

  • Twenties argument is that the spread of iPhones and social media has brought boys into play video games.

  • They play a lot of video games, but those aren't actually that harmful.

  • It's the social comparison sites.

  • It's ah um Instagram and other things where girls are comparing their lives to other girls and feeling left out that we think we don't know for sure.

  • That we think, is the most powerful reason why the girls rates have increased so much.

  • Sorry, John's rebirth that data to because even Citizens 2007 if you just pick 2007 we're talking about a doubling in terms of but the 2007 that was a project that was the lowest here.

  • So if you just so that's why it's best to not take 2007 it's best to just take the average.

  • It just bounces around.

  • There's no trend in the first decade case a week and hypothesize, perhaps, that there's something approximating a positive feedback loop going on here.

  • So imagine, because I'm trying to figure out why things have got out of control, say, since 2013.

  • It's like there's been a tipping point, and so I'm going to offer a few ideas and you guys could tell me what you think.

  • Okay, so let's let's think of four or five reasons.

  • So I think there's an increase in political perceived political polarization and maybe riel political polarization because the mainstream media mainstream media is dying.

  • And as it dies, it gets it gets more attracted to click bait journalism and exaggerates the degree of extremism on both sides.

  • And that's a consequence of a technological revolution that the threat that they're under from that love from Internet media sources.

  • So that's one.

  • The next one would be the UN, um opposed rise of the postmodern Marxist doctrines that characterized disciplines, particularly like women's studies.

  • Now you guys talked about woman who generated intersectionality theory.

  • Kimberly Crenshaw and I've been looking into Kate Millett to establish patriarchy theory or one of the people who established it.

  • And she was a radical lesbian for political reasons and had an alcoholic and abusive father.

  • So I think that's quite interesting.

  • And I think that these theories friend Shaw and Millets theories were basically ignored by serious scholars in the in the act academic world.

  • But they've spread and have had a disproportionate effect on the university's and their combined with the kind of Marxist few points that divides the world into victimizer and victim.

  • And then maybe we have the what you just did it already given us too big theories.

  • Let's talk about them that, uh, it's on the political polarization.

  • Absolutely.

  • We have a whole chapter on that.

  • The way to think about this is universities are complicated, institutions nested within a broader society, and they're changing and the broader society has changed.

  • So we document how the rise in political polarization and you're the thing to focus on, is not polarization of attitudes about abortion or things like that is how much do you hate the other side that has been going up steadily since the 19 nineties.

  • And so if you have ah, left right battle, it's getting more and more intense at the same time as the Professor Torii is going from leaning left to be much further on the left.

  • So we document this in the book that the overall left right ratio for a variety of reasons went from a 2 to 1 overall, putting everybody to the one in the early nineties to 5 to 1 left right ratio by 2010.

  • So if you have a more politically purified institution at a time when the electromagnetic forces of cross partisan hatred are joining up, then yes, you have a more politicized institution, so there's a lot going on there.

  • It's not unique to the left.

  • It just so happens that universities have been polarizing, left other institutions polarized.

  • Right?

  • If you believe in diversity, if you believe that diversity makes people think better because it challenges thoughts in a loss of political diversity is harmful, and it's a contributor.

  • And it's not just the echo chambers that were great on the Internet, although although Social Media does pat you on the back for having a stick of an echo chamber is possible.

  • I'm definitely doing a big owners of the big sort hypothesis, but certainly lived this experience that we increasingly livin and more politically homogeneous community.

  • It's not a big sort, of course, talks about us living in more politically obvious counties, but Charles Murray and others have done research about how we actually live in even more politically homogeneous city blocks that actually we are sort of self sorting higher.

  • Cowan talks about this, too, and of course, if you have sort of, ah, social circle wearing practically never run into anybody who disagrees with you, be all the different sort of like tribalism experiments that polarization experiments they've done over the years shows the intended sort of spiral off into the distance.

  • So that's one of the reasons why I think of this is what we call in the book of problem of progress, that if you think about the idea that we can live in communities that reflect our values, going back the around angle heart was saying, It's the 19 seventies.

  • That sounds lovely.

  • That sounds great, Ray.

  • I could live in communities, perfect my values.

  • But if you've ever lived in a community that reflects just one political point of view and virtually none of the other, it does have a tendency to become a virtue signaling contest more than an actual place where he discussed ideas.

  • OK, so now let's move on to the postal surges of Marxism.

  • So I think you and I both agree that that postmodernism mark system that these are lenses that tend to amplify conflict is our son.

  • How involved I think you and I may disagree a bit on the dynamics here in the extent of it, so just leave it the way that I think about it.

  • These ideas, this way of looking at things.

  • Even these ideas of of trigger warnings, matrices of oppression.

  • Those ideas existed in feminist circles going all the way back to the nineties.

  • A za professor at N Y.

  • U and previously v A.

  • I have not seen that postmodernism remarks is Marin anyway spreading across the disciplines.

  • They've always been there in a few disciplines.

  • There's a lot of Marxist analysis, a sociology.

  • I have not noticed that spreading at all among the professorial or across this.

  • But I think what has happened is that social media, the Internet, especially social media, has knocked down the compartments.

  • A good society needs a lot of compartments, needs a lot of walls where different norms and different practices flourish, that you could do different jobs.

  • I think social media is knock down the walls so that certain ideas that maybe some students get from their gender studies or anthropology or sociology classes.

  • Uh, those ideas could spread among the students, and they're often not even really the accurate ideas.

  • That's a sort of a bastardized version Ah, modified in ways that I don't really even understand that can spread around this.

  • Now you get bad psychological ideas that political ideas.

  • I'm spreading around among the students.

  • That's what's been most striking to us is that this is really the changes, really.

  • Student led.

  • It's a generational thing.

  • Um, you could blame faculty and insert departments for you don't disagree with their ideas, but it's not that there's this conspiracy this, as far as we can tell a conspiracy among the professors to take over.

  • Maybe you'll disagree with that.

  • We see it.

  • I see it is more student.

  • I don't want to have one point here, though, and it's something I talk a lot about John and I talk a lot about.

  • But it didn't actually quite make it into the book.

  • Um, and what we've done that is the perfect Rhetorical Fortress, and what we mean by that is, if you look at the way, it's like I went to Stanford for law school.

  • I worked for the A C L u Northern California on, and I saw this sort of happening even the early nineties, that one of the things that some of these post modernist theory is perfectly privileged theory allow is a ah away, a matter of arguing in which you never, ever have to get to the substance of the argument.

  • So even in the late nineties that Reform supporters had a lot of levels of protection.

  • You don't have to listen to anybody if they're conservative was almost taken for granted, which I now deeply ashamed of.

  • You didn't have Thio.

  • And now if you add to it, you don't have to listen to anybody if they have privilege and, by the way, what 100% of people actually do that means you can choose to listen to him whoever the hell you want, because it's only option you have the option of.

  • We could either dismiss marks as being a white college male or you can listen to him.

  • But any time you run into someone who disagrees with you, you have several sort of tools at your disposal.

  • That about the races.

  • That harmony market is that there are a lot of what every major could bus his mother's waas that were white males defending our privilege.

  • Almost nobody engaged with substance of the art.

  • Yeah, yes, well, if all arguments oil down to the power claims of competing identity groups, then there is no such thing as substance and I think that actually fits quite nicely with certain strains of postmodern thinking that have a tendency to deny any knowledge of any real world and to presume that everything is not only interpretation but interpretation, based on uh, power claims for competing groups and the Intersectionality theory.

  • You know, I just finished writing the preface to the new version of the 50th anniversary version of The Gulag Archipelago.

  • Yes, it was quite something, and I was trying to synthesize Social it since arguments about why the Russian Revolution went so badly south immediately after it began.

  • It's very interesting to think about it from this intersectionality perspective because, as you guys just pointed out, it's It's not an unreasonable proposition that people have a multiple multiple group identities now.

  • Perhaps there's some use in considering that, because you can think of the ways that people have different advantages and disadvantages.

  • But one of the real pernicious side effects of that kind of thinking, especially when it's conjoined with a viewpoint that divides the world into victim and victimizer, is that you could take any one person and maybe generate 20 group identities for them, and you can find at least one identity along which they're privileged.

  • And that means that not only can you ignore them as a consequence of them speaking only on behalf of their power, but you have available reason for persecuting them.

  • And that's exactly what happened in the Soviet Union.

  • As long as I could find one dimension along which you were an oppressor, then you were done.

  • And, yeah, we grandson of cool ox haha, right, right!

  • While they were the best example about, we were cousins who made good and any other country research and that that's where my family comes from.

  • And in any other country, you know, my family's story would have been because we went from being serves to being the lawyers and judges within a single generation.

  • And my grandfather was in Kiev Polytechnic, studying to be a professor when World War one of you know, broke out.

  • And, of course, people like me success stories in any of the country.

  • We were shot in the back of the head by the millions, right, right, well, and you were actually the working class success stories because when when was when was serfdom eradicated in Russia?

  • 18 61 right, Right.

  • So people were basically slaves up to that point.

  • And some people made very rapid, uh, leaps and status within a single generation or two and knows where the cool acts that were eradicated by the by the Soviets after World War.

  • Then, of course, that's what led to the huge starvation and massive starvation of the 19 late 19 twenties in 19 thirties and early 19 thirties.

  • So it's a complete catastrophe, So all right, so you put together a bunch of symptoms, you know, you said Microaggression theory.

  • I'm no admirers of Darryl.

  • Is Darryl Wing Sue?

  • Yes, I think that that I read his book.

  • I thought it was absolutely appalling in all in all possible manners.

  • There's the the kind of oppression theory and intersectionality the idea that we're in a patriarchal tyranny.

  • And then one of the things that you pointed out at the beginning of this interview was the unknown effect of social comparison with these new social technology, social media technologies.

  • Right, because we're really out of it.

  • We're really inlaid vulnerable to these new technologies because we have no idea what effect they have on adults, let alone young people And so do you think that is actually making young people feel that the world is a more dangerous place and requiring them to seek protection?

  • Oh, yes, we think that's a big part of it.

  • Of the objective facts about mortality, crime, physical safety are the left, get safer and safer death rates go down.

  • So, you know Steve Pinker and many others a chronicle of the decline of violence.

  • Um, but we react to the world, not as it is.

  • We react to the world as we perceive it through the filters that were given on.

  • And if, if you remember the old movie from the 19 eighties there because it was the bowling for Columbine know Quite Hospital.

  • But Michael Moore's movie Bowling for Columbine, where he traces out why Americans are so paranoid compared to Canadians, Let's say, and he bleeds, blames it all on cable TV, putting stories of crime in our states.

  • All right, so I think there's a lot of truth to that now.

  • Imagine social media channeling not just stories of crime, but whichever side you're on politically.

  • You now get filtered through of all of the stupid things that any person says.

  • In our country of 330 million people every day, seven of the left says something incredibly stupid and offensive.

  • And every day, something the right says something you know and is a video.

  • And so if you're being s so if you're rewarded for forwarding outrage, things that outrage your side, you're rewarded for forwarding that when we're all forwarding it.

  • We're all drowning in outrage stories, and one of the things that that sells or that sells in terms of getting re tweets is stories of aggression or violence or racism or whatever it is people trampling on your side statement values.

  • So if you're exposed constantly stories of, you know, if you're if you're on the left, you're exposed to stories of right, not Nazis.

  • And you think that ah, half the country is not see, this is gonna have a big effect on your perceptions, even if even if the reality is social progress, even if in reality is increasing safety.

  • So we do think that the reason why it's so many things are going haywire, not just in America but in many countries.

  • Is the Internet and social media all hitting us at the same time, globalization is the other factor a little more distant.

  • But I think they're intercept, intercepting, interacting in all kinds of interesting ways that we don't yet understand.

  • We talked about polarization on the right and on the left, and one of the things that struck me and maybe I'm wrong about this, is that I've been particularly concerned about the rise of the radical left, and that's probably because I've been immersed in a university milieu.

  • And as you already pointed out, the left is overrepresented at least among the social scientists and the humanities, and I suspect as well the administration in the universities.

  • And then I see a swell people being concerned about the rise of the radical right.

  • But I certainly don't see the radical right as posing a threat in the universities, and I can't see what sort of threat the radical right is posing because I can't get numbers.

  • So, like where there are lots of stories about all right types and about neo Nazis and white supremacists.

  • But they seem, I mean, there was a white supremacist rally in Washington about a month and 1/2 ago, and I think They got 16 people on a bus on the white supremacist side and several 1000 counter protesters.

  • And so I'm wondering to what degree the radical right is Ah, like I don't know where they are exactly.

  • So do you have thoughts about that?

  • Yeah, definitely.

  • In my work.

  • I talked about this being the most recent trend and we talk about this in the book and it's not necessary.

  • The radical right.

  • But, uh, we've seen some of the What I talk about is kind of like we have this sort of Africa chamber on the left at universities and there is sort of a neck watching brown the right as well.

  • And those two have been sort of colliding with each other with each other.

  • So we've definitely seen an uptick in fire of liberal professors getting in trouble for what they say on the Internet, what they say on Twitter, Facebook or, you know, going on Fox News, for example.

  • And we talk about a couple of examples of that in the book.

  • Now, this is so recent that we're not gonna have real data on it, but it definitely is a noticeable change for those of us who work on the front line.

  • So it's important to to look at the timing here because we hear this a lot too.

  • You know, whenever we talk about something, people will point out.

  • Well, what about the All right?

  • What about the Nazis?

  • And when?

  • When we started this, when bread first notice what was going on in 2030 2014 in our article came out 2015.

  • The right had nothing to do with it.

  • None that nobody had heard of the alright.

  • Practically they weren't trolling on campus.

  • So whatever the origins of the problem camp is, it is not a reaction to the right.

  • Now, in 2016 um, the all right got a lot more attention and they got much more sophisticated.

  • A trolling on a CZ.

  • I read a little bit about trolling.

  • The New York Times began to cover it.

  • It became really clear.

  • All you need is a few people with a, you know, kind of a perverse sense of humor and a few anonymous Internet accounts, and they can provoke a gigantic reaction from the group that they want to provoke.

  • And so I think in 2016 we saw the right into 2017.

  • That's when we start actually seeing the cases of right wing movements to get professors fired.

  • Um, they're back.

  • There's a some really nasty stuff coming out of various sites on the right, flooding people's inboxes with rape threats and death threats.

  • Racist rants.

  • So there's a lot of nasty stuff coming from the right towards professors in 2017.

  • And since then it wasn't happening.

  • As far as we know, it wasn't anything that wasn't really part of the story early on, so we got six.

  • The polarization cycle.

  • The problem.

  • We believe it's not originally from from the right, although now they are part of the polarization cycle, right?

  • So you can conjure a specter out of the darkness in that manner.

  • In one of the things I've seen on YouTube and the other, uh, commentary sources that I've been monitoring is a really increase in anti Semitic comments, and it's hard to tell.

  • Of course, it's hard to quantify that, but they're appallingly common on YouTube and on Twitter as well.

  • Um, and some of them are coded, you know, I think it's it's commonplace now, d put your comment in three brackets, which indicates an anti Semitic origin for emphasis, and so that's very pernicious.

  • But again, we have no idea how many people are actually engaging in this.

  • It's a very difficult thing to two come to terms with because, like when I look at the United States, I think and more power to you that your political dialogue is actually quite ballots.

  • There's a fair bit of power on the left, and there's a fair bit of power on the right.

  • The radical left seems to be overrepresented universities, and that's something that's unique.

  • I can't get a handle on the white supremacist and Nazi types.

  • I mean, I think Nazis are vanishingly rare.

  • I really believe that the lights of premises types as well, but But that doesn't necessarily mean that it's not growing.

  • It isn't being cultivated.

  • In some sense, that's right.

  • But then the question is, How much should we react?

  • So so I'm Jewish.

  • My mother told me when I was growing up that America is the promised land for the Jews.

  • It's not Israel we would talk about.

  • Israel is the promised land.

  • I was raised to believe that America is the promised land of the Jews.

  • Uh, sure.

  • There was some anti Semitism.

  • My parents.

  • They moved to Scarsdale, New York, and there were they could not join certain country clubs.

  • Big deal.

  • There were Jewish clubs.

  • They were lost clubs.

  • That's the way things were.

  • It was it wasn't perfect.

  • But compared to what compared to the rest of the world?

  • God, my grandparent's got off the boat in New York and didn't go on to buenos ideas or any any place else that was settled originally by the Spanish.

  • Um, so America is not Nazi Semitic country.

  • Now what we make of the fact that now we're seeing all this anti Semitic stuff, what I make of it is that they're a few assholes who are organizing and doing this.

  • And, um, I triggered by it.

  • No, I because I grew up where occasionally you come across a swastika like, scratched into the bathroom.

  • So you find the f word.

  • You'd find obscenities, you'd find a drawing of a Penis and you'd see a swastika and my reaction waas, you know, young or bad.

  • And then I would go on with my day.

  • It wasn't a trigger, but if we teach kids.

  • Now if you find something on the Internet be triggered and of course you will always find something on each.

  • I will say that, Mrs Anecdotal, but I speak a lot of times in California, and some of the the sort of anti Israel bleeding into anti Semitism is something that I've seen really dramatic before, Madam.

  • It's almost as if it's become stylish to be so.

  • Andy is really almost anti Semitic, at least certain circles and I spoke and like the British Labour Party, for example, for example, 50 I spoke with the 50th anniversary of the start of the free speech movement.

  • Way back in 2014 I spoke of Berkeley, and I'll be damned if if my speech was not in a room with a lot of anti Semites and there was even a guy who was trying to address this saying, like on people wanna cause anti Semitic and that's so wrong.

  • And then you finish that sentence was a but it's undeniable that the poison hand of Zionism destroys everything it touches.

  • And I was like, Okay, okay, that's that's up.

  • I think I understand what they're calling you that So I definitely.

  • I don't think it's in people's heads that this, uh, this uptick in Israel.

  • But I I've noticed that most pronounced for some reason in California.

  • Okay, so here's our idea to So, you know, one of the things that happened in Germany in the 19 twenties was a polarization process, right?

  • Um, obviously much more severe than the one that we're going through.

  • But I wonder if when the political spectrum polarizes that ethno centrism of a certain sort rises and drive something like anti Semitism.

  • So maybe maybe when the left and the writer relatively close together.

  • People aren't so obsessed with their group identities or the extreme types aren't.

  • But then, when the polarization process starts, everybody locks harder into the group identities.

  • And then anyone who's I don't know if it's anyone who is an outsider is viewed with excess suspicion, but because the situation with Jewish people is complicated, too, because they're often successful.

  • So I don't know if it's some perverse interaction between ethno centrism and resentment for the successful that drives anti Semitism during polarization processes.

  • And I'm trying to get get a finger are gonna, you know, trying to put my finger on it.

  • I think what you're what you're reaching for here is this phenomena that you suddenly see these Earth's of intolerance.

  • What triggers Ben?

  • And here I turned to Karen's dinner.

  • A political scientist did her work at Princeton Nationalism Australia.

  • But she wrote those brilliant book The Authoritarian Dynamic, published in 2005.

  • And what she says in there is that authoritarianism is not a stable personality trait.

  • It's a dynamic in which some people, about 20 or 30% of the population, um, when they perceive that society is coming apart, that is, You know, I study morality.

  • We need a sense of shared moral order.

  • There are times when we feel that the moral order is secure.

  • Violations air punished.

  • Everything's fine.

  • Uh, there are other times when we feel things are coming apart is chaos.

  • It's babble when that's happening.

  • People who have this predisposition to authoritarianism.

  • It's like there's a but another head.

  • It gets pushed, and they then become intolerant against all outsiders.

  • And so she does experiments where she gives a story about, you know, maybe it's Mexican immigration, but it turns that that then makes if you presented a threatening way, as Donald Trump does.

  • That doesn't just turn people against Mexicans.

  • It turns them against LGBT Americans.

  • So it's a general dynamic of Step Out to send stamp out.

  • The outsiders get back to the purity of our group when we have times of increasing prosperity when we have peace, when is a sense of progress, the pie is growing.

  • Um, there is some sense that we are.

  • We have something in common.

  • Then things get much calmer.

  • But a number of events financial crisis may have contributed the sense that there is not a growing pie.

  • But I think again social media has made it so that if you are prone to this on, then you sign up to any group that is concerned about immigration or anything else.

  • You will now be Sarette You'il.

  • You'll become flooding into you really powerful videos designed to press that button over and over and over again.

  • And before you know it, America goes from having you know, 50 Nazis to having 585,000.

  • It's not five million.

  • I really don't think there are five Don't know what it's not like two or 3% of the country are Nazis.

  • So So we've gotta somehow learn to get used to the fact that we've got to sort of get back to, judging by sort of the average of the overall rather than the individual extremes.

  • Because now we will be fit for the individual streams forever.

  • Yeah, on also well recommended books, Amy True is political Tribes talks a lot about this, too, and it's really, really an interesting stimulating read.

  • Well, partly what I've been trying to do in my lectures.

  • So I'm traveling around.

  • Lecturing people is doing this to some degree on YouTube as well is to emphasize the existence of the common centre.

  • For me, that's a return to classic liberal and, to some degree, classic conservative values and then some intermingling of those.

  • So some emphasis on traditional, while traditional phenomenon like like monogamous marriage but also the idea of the sovereignty of the individual as part of that common landscape that unites us.

  • And that seems to be quite useful.

  • Um, it's over.

  • Why would grab?

  • Let's get going on.

  • This is a very important point that if you go down the Identity Arian path, there is no clear end point Nobody can point to where this will end in a good way.

  • So what?

  • What's so interesting?

  • And here's one of most encouraging signs is that Justin, 2018.

  • We're seeing an explosion of books written by people who are not straight white males who are saying identity politics practiced in this way is a dead end.

  • We need to We need to really emphasize what we have in common, so I'll just read you.

  • I just started collecting a file.

  • Put this online someplace soon.

  • Here are some of the books here.

  • Something really interesting is coming out just recently, and he chose both political tribes.

  • Is great mentioned.

  • Francis Fukuyama has a new book, Identity.

  • The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment just came out last week.

  • Anthony Appiah has already brilliantly about identity politics.

  • Jonathan Rouch Uh, guess he's conservative, but he's, uh, he's been writing again.

  • Very uh, about a beetroot about other reasons why identity politics is a dead end.

  • John McWhorter has been writing brilliantly about how anti racism has become a religion.

  • How we need Thio.

  • Give me to get studying.

  • Stop focusing on on that.

  • In that way in Britain there are a number of people of Caribbean origin have been writing about this.

  • I just had dinner last week with your shot.

  • Mongie has a book coming up.

  • Don't label me so.

  • This is wonderful that we're seeing all of these people, just all of them identifies being on the left.

  • None of them are straight white males.

  • And they're all saying we need to rethink this.

  • So we're thrilled because in our book, in chapter three, we distinguish between common humanity, identity politics, which is what Martin Luther King did of many the civil rights leaders.

  • Yes, you need to demand rights for groups that don't have them.

  • But you do it by appealing to your common humanity versus common enemy identity politics, which is what intersectionality tends to devolve into.

  • It doesn't have to be, but it often is bastardized into let's all unite against them.

  • Yeah, well, you know, in Canada that we've been pursuing a multicultural policy in our prime minister was famous for saying that Canada has no identity, which I think is an absolute catastrophe of an idea.

  • I mean, if you think about the multicultural landscape of the planet, it certainly produces wars along with diversity.

  • So the question is, how do you bring people from different communities into, ah, universal community and maintain peace?

  • And it seems to me that you do that essentially by concentrating on the sovereignty of the individual as the fundamental marker for human identity rather than rather than the group.

  • And I was thinking about intersectionality, which I think, by the way, is a painfully obvious idea.

  • You know the idea that you could be classified among many group dimensions and and if their social status are consequences to all of those and that they interact.

  • But I think intersectionality is actually the discovery of the fatal flaw of identity politics.

  • Because if you drag many people down, if you allow their group identities to multiply and interact, and you get to the point where each individual is a unique nexus of group identities.

  • And I actually think that that's what Western culture discovered over the last several 1000 years, that the logical end point is the individual.

  • And if you take everyone's advantages and disadvantages into account optimally, then what you do is you treat them as individuals like there isn't anyone else like them in some sense, except in terms of their common, it's a divine value, something approximating that.

  • That's right.

  • If you followed it to its logical conclusion than the worst aspects of identity.

  • Arian is, um would vanish because, as you say, everybody ultimately considerable one.

  • Unfortunately, of the 20 or 30 dimensions on which one could categorize people, it's really only three.

  • The matter.

  • It's straight white males.

  • That's really where it's at.

  • So that's worth digging into, you know, because that's actually illustrative, I would say to some degree of the actual motivations, he's like there is all these identities and hypothetically, there's nothing to distinguish them in terms of primacy, even in terms of their effects, they all socioeconomic outcome.

  • So then it seems to me to be a victim victimizer narrative that's driving the idea that it's straight white males that in some sense have the have the phenomenal upper hand, which is another thing I don't really buy.

  • I mean, most of the dangerous jobs are done by men, and so who's you know who has power and wealth?

  • Straight white man.

  • I mean, we have to be complete guilty to that, that the world is not perfectly equal across all categories except way certainly can't just get that.

  • But I think what we're seeing now in very sharp relief since the Sarah John controversy in their times recently, is this red wine.

  • And he was fined, States said, A year or two ago, Um, there there are some people who see inequality and want to end it.

  • There are other people who see inequality and want to reverse it.

  • At the time, I thought, Well, that's interesting.

  • I wonder if that's true.

  • But I think the Cerrejon controversy, where The New York Times hired a young Korean American, uh, person to join the op ed of the editorial page, and it was discovered that she had all these nasty anti white, anti white tweets and the fact that there was a discussion debate, like many people fit would say, Oh, by definition, there's no such thing as anti white races.

  • It's okay to say terrible things about white people.

  • It's okay.

  • Here's the key thing.

  • It's okay to look at someone and based on the way they look, dislike them and treat them badly.

  • And if you think that's okay, then this is the problem.

  • this is common enemy identity politics.

  • It was think that's horrible.

  • We shouldn't be judging people based on their race.

  • Then that's your probably supportive comments.

  • Humanity, identity, politics as we are.

  • I actually would like to push back against the idea that it's just straight white net man anymore.

  • I felt like I always feel like, unfortunately, sort of like the Stanford Palo Alto Slash.

  • Being in San Francisco Bay Area is, unfortunately, way ahead on these trends.

  • And I think one of the reasons why you are seeing pushback from, ah, a lot of members of minority members.

  • Well, it's partially because for a long time, at least, among the friends, I don't really believe in this and almost like a religious kind of way, they're They're extremely guilty about simply being CIS gender, as in none transgender that you'll see sort of this call out culture applied to blab straight black men, for example, so that I do think that we've been falling deeper and deeper down the rabbit hole where people are realizing Wow, so this is just a permanent situation of guilt and shame about an identity that I have no control over that can't possibly be right.

  • Well, the other thing we should point out to is that even if you do make amounts is for the fact that, let's say, uh, on average straight white men are doing well or have done relatively well economically.

  • It's also very much worth pointing out that it's a tiny minority of straight white men who have been doing spectacularly well, you know, So you have a credo distribution problem within each with each within each ethnic identity group.

  • And so to say that because on average, the socioeconomic status of a given group is higher than the status of another group, all the people who are members of that group are disproportionately benefiting is actually a rather, uh in I would say, a rather motivated and resentful analysis because it is always a tiny proportion of people in a group that air doing spectacularly well and then then you have to do something else, which is you have to look at that proportion that they're doing spectacularly well, and you have to decide about how many of them are doing well because they actually deserve it and how many of them are doing well because they're inappropriate rent seekers.

  • And I would say, because our culture is pretty damn functional and because we do generate a lot of wealth along with the inequality, that there's a fair number of people who are doing just proportionately well who are doing that by benefiting everyone else.

  • And we're not very careful about making those sorts of distinctions, and they're actually crucial.

  • That's right.

  • So that's what we did.

  • So in chapter 11 way go into social justice and many people have claimed social justice is a meaningless term.

  • It's thrown around in certain ways.

  • People can't defy it.

  • Digging into it, we decided that it actually is meaningful, but we have to.

  • We have to break it down into its component parts.

  • And so we go into what is the psychology of justice.

  • And if you focus on distributive justice, aren't people getting what they deserve?

  • Based on their inputs?

  • Everybody recognizes what people being cheated.

  • That there, you know, like in America.

  • Now a lot of low wage workers, the companies have found ways to skimp on benefits and, uh, okay, so that is a violation off distributive fairness.

  • People recognize that that is wrong. 00:47:34.280 --> 00

So I'm here today with author Greg Lukianoff and Jonathan Tight.

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アメリカ人の心の成れの果て:ヘイト/ルキアノフ (The Coddling of the American Mind: Haidt/Lukianoff)

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    林宜悉 に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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