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  • hello and welcome to ways to change the world.

  • I'm Christian Guru Murthy, and this is the podcast in which we talked to extraordinary people about the big ideas in their lives.

  • On the experiences that have helped shape Thumb, My guest today is a lightweight thinker who doesn't have a clue who has caused huge economic damage to his followers pocketbooks if he believed Donald Trump.

  • Paul Krugman is, of course, also a Nobel Prize winning economist, a longstanding columnist at The New York Times and his latest book.

  • And he's the author of a couple of Dozen or More is called Arguing with zombies.

  • Economics, Politics in the fight for a better future and it's taken from a lot of his columns and expanded, um, zombies being bad arguments.

  • That's right.

  • The zombies in the book are zombie ideas, ideas that should have been killed by evidence that have been proved false repeatedly but just keep shambling along eating people's brains.

  • Now, of course, Donald Trump and his supporters are trying to turn it around on you and say, Well, you're the zombie thinker.

  • Yeah, the lightweight because you predicted global recession.

  • Yeah, I made a bad economic hole on election Night, 2016 which I retracted three days later and apologize for letting my emotions cloud my judgment and went on to say that if anything, bigger budget deficits on Trump might give the economy a boost, which is sort of what happened.

  • But Trump have no idea what prompted that remark, because I hadn't even written anything about him lately.

  • But who knows?

  • Well, he doesn't like criticism, and you criticize him a lot.

  • Yeah, but so do other people.

  • Have no idea.

  • I mean, I appreciate.

  • I mean, I seem to have occupy quite a lot of space in his head rent free.

  • So I guess that's that's kind of a privilege.

  • I mean, that's not the only time, though.

  • You you've been on the sort of the downside of predictions.

  • I mean, you did warn of the risks.

  • You didn't say it would happen, but you thought it was a good chance of of recession over last year as well.

  • Going into this, I thought there was some chance, as as did lots of people, as did the markets wth e.

  • Some of the data were pointing pretty weak by now.

  • I didn't make it an outright recession call because I thought the data were not solid enough for that.

  • And it turns out that the that it didn't happen.

  • Um what?

  • Why knows?

  • Well, I mean, the biggest thing to say is that in practice, it's Trump has been sort of been pretty.

  • Kane's Ian.

  • I mean, he took a budget deficit of less than 600 year and ran it up to a trillion a year on.

  • And even though it's very poorly designed economic stimulus nonetheless, in effect, he's done.

  • You know what many of us were pleading with?

  • Ah, pleading four during the Obama years, which is more support for an economy which which still seem to be well short of full employment.

  • So you don't criticize him for running a high def?

  • Oh, no, the deficit.

  • I mean, I criticized what he's running the deficit.

  • Four mean, uh, hundreds of billions in corporate tax cuts which don't do very much.

  • Ah, and no infrastructure plan on cutbacks on aid to poor Children and so on.

  • So the composition is wrong, but the deficit is just not a front rank, if you and it never has been, did you think the same things are likely to happen over here?

  • I don't know.

  • It does look a little bit as if Boris Johnson may, at least in that respect, be a bit like Trump.

  • That is, who be a de facto Kensi and even while protesting that he is no such thing.

  • So there may be some of that Ah, relax ation of spending restraint taking place, Uh, despite Theophile Shal ideology, but by Kane's Ian.

  • For those who don't know what it means, what it was, that means you can see in view is that when the economy's depressed, it's usually not because people are bad workers or any deep structural problem, but just because there isn't enough spending.

  • For whatever reason, the private sector isn't willing to spend enough to keep the factory's running and keep the shops full, and that in such times there is ah valuable role for the government to do.

  • The spending of the private sector won't so the government can pump up the economy by running budget deficits if necessary, and that that could be a very good thing for the economy.

  • So that's just budget deficits are good when the economy's depressed might be a crude way of summarizing Canyon is, um now, I mean, you're always introduced a sort of the Nobel Prize winning economist, but what do you think of yourself as, I mean, because you are hugely influential, essentially as a columnist.

  • Yeah.

  • I mean, I've had two careers.

  • I spent several decades as an economist economist doing papers that I think we're pretty good.

  • I guess the Swedes thought were pretty good that were read by a few 1000 people.

  • But I always did a little bit of public writing on the side.

  • And for the past 20 years now I've been ah ah, regular columnist for The New York Times.

  • There's obviously some relationship in my mind between the two of them, but I have tried Thio to reach out to this broader audience.

  • I need to be a columnist on opinion.

  • Former.

  • You have to have a pretty high opinion of your own opinion, and you have to believe that it's worth spreading.

  • Are you Are you doing that?

  • Because you do want to change the world in whatever way you can off course.

  • Now, the whole point is to make things a little bit better often by giving people the arguments they need.

  • Um, maybe you convert some people.

  • But more important, I think you helped to shape the the discourse.

  • To some extent, I think I'm still a bridge between the academic and the broader world.

  • There's a lot of it is hidden.

  • But to be amazed how much statistical number crunching lies behind a column on guy.

  • Also, I talked by the way to to social scientists outside my own field.

  • So I actually talked to political scientists.

  • Talk to sociologists to make sure that I'm not saying things that are avoidable.

  • E stupid.

  • You're very political as well, aren't you?

  • I mean, you have bridge that gap.

  • Yeah, Well, how could you not be?

  • I mean it.

  • It, um maybe you think I'm on the wrong side, but there's no way to be a political in 21st century America.

  • The partisan gaps air so huge that it requires a basically ignoring reality not to take political position and given Look, the reality is, although there are there, have been in the past is on the ideas on the left in America, all of the important zombie ideas that are eating our brains are on the right.

  • But if if Trump hasn't taken America into recession, is he as dangerous as you thought he was?

  • Economically?

  • There's a temptation, which I briefly fell into.

  • But Jesus said, retracted almost immediately to think that because he's terrible on other fronts, that he must be bad for the short term macroeconomy on dhe That's not has not turned out to be true.

  • And really, I should never have even briefly entertained the notion.

  • Uh, he's really, really bad on things like rule of law and democracy.

  • We may be losing our democracy as we speak, but, um, and he's very bad for the long run.

  • I mean, we there were economically, economically, we're not investing in infrastructure and keeps on promising, and nothing has been done on that front.

  • He's doing away.

  • He's trying to take away health care and nutritional assistance for poor Children, which means, you know, deprived Children grow up into unproductive adults, so that's very bad for the long term.

  • If we if only we were using these trillion dollar deficits to actually build for the future, we'd be in much better shape.

  • But that will take years and years to really be a parent.

  • So what do you think is the most important zombie idea?

  • If you like that, that is current, Is it?

  • Is it tax cutting?

  • Or they're two different kinds dimensions of importance here.

  • So what is it That sort of in political debate is the most important zombie, and the most important zombie in the U.

  • S.

  • At least, is the idea that tax cuts pay for themselves.

  • Always wrong, never abandoned.

  • It's it's gospel within the Republican Party, even though he's been proved false again and again in terms off the fate of the world.

  • It's climate changes is non existent.

  • It's a hoax perpetrated by this vast international scientific conspiracy, which is a very, very powerful zombie idea.

  • So it's on tax.

  • Is it?

  • Is it that they've just gone back to Reaganomics on dhe?

  • Those old arguments that they just never went away never went away.

  • It has.

  • There has never been a point at which it wasn't even true for Reagan.

  • Uh, we had a big tax cut in 2017 in the US, and you had even allegedly moderate Republicans.

  • But there aren't any really.

  • But Republicans who pretend to be a little bit more moderate, saying, Well, I'm convinced that this tax cut will actually increase revenue, and there's never been a shred of evidence that supports that, and there's overwhelming evidence that it never happens.

  • But some tax cuts do increase revenue.

  • Oh, look, because in this country the one that's constantly quoted by the center right on the right is the reduction from 50% to 45% of the top rate of tax.

  • And they say, Well, that actually increased tax receipt.

  • I would very much doubt that that's actually true.

  • It, ah, tax free.

  • One of the things that is always a problem here is that tax receipts tend to grow over time because of inflation and growth in the economy.

  • But I would be really surprised because we have, ah, lot of estimates of the revenue maximizing tax rate.

  • Um, that all say that it's actually between 70 and 80%.

  • So did I would be very, very surprised if a careful examination of the numbers supported that claim, even for the UK cause.

  • To a non economist, the idea of giving people more of their own money back, letting them keep more of their own money, eh?

  • So that they can spend that in the economy and that money be recycled.

  • Seems quite seductive.

  • What is it?

  • Why is it wrong?

  • Well, that's a cans in view, right?

  • If if you think that the problem is that people are not spending enough when you want something that needs two more spending.

  • But why cutting taxes on rich people is one of the most inefficient ways of doing that.

  • Um, and then more broadly, in times when you're not trying to support a depressed economy, you know the government, we value the things that government does, you know, which is better cut taxes on on high income people or provide the N HS with adequate funding.

  • And I would have said if I were living here that much more important to fully fund the N HS and in the United States, if we're we're going to have a budget announced in the United States tomorrow, and we know already know that it's gonna include massive cuts in Medicaid, which is health care for lower income Americans.

  • All of which is to offset the revenue lost because of a tax cut for corporations that's not a good trade off to be making.

  • There are lots of similarities, I think, between the Democratic Party in the Labour Party in Britain then order the same stage in the cycle.

  • But, I mean, certainly what we're seeing in America is people being much more confident about saying I'm a socialist.

  • I'm on the left.

  • Yeah, You're worried about that?

  • Yeah.

  • I mean, one of the things I do write about in in arguing with zombies No, No, because you're not.

  • No, I am not saying I'm a social Democrat.

  • That is, I favor a strong welfare state of mostly market economy, though with a with government role, where appropriate.

  • And so, in fact, a CZ.

  • Bernie Sanders.

  • People, what about a socialist is not, You know, that's the it.

  • And I says we have this longest anything where any time you propose anything that might make reduced the amount of misery in the country, whether it be health care for senior citizens or our food stamps for Children, the right wing says that socialism and part of the what we try to do is say no, that's not That's just being reasonable, modern, civilized country and then you have a few people like Bernie Sanders, who are, in fact, not socialists, who have proudly embraced the label, which you can sort of understand if if anything good is socialism, then well, yes, I'm a socialist.

  • But I think it's probably bad electoral strategy long well, because there are some people who think that who will say that?

  • Well, if he's a socialist, that must mean he wants to turn America into Venezuela, whereas in fact he just wants America to be a bit more like Denmark.

  • Why, why play into this thing stereotype this this abusive term?

  • Um, and you know, if Bernie Sanders is the Democratic nominee, I'm going to be in the slightly awkward position of saying, Well, he says he's a socialist, but, you know, he really isn't.

  • And in fact, I'm not at all worried about the policies that Bernie Sanders would implement.

  • If he becomes president, I think they would.

  • What he would actually be able to do is less than he promises.

  • In any case, it will be quite good things for America, but But he himself is kind of for whatever reason, stoking the the right wing disinformation campaign So what?

  • What?

  • What is the definition of socialism for you?

  • Is it state ownership?

  • Yeah, certainly.

  • If socialism means anything, it means state ownership of the means of production.

  • And, uh, and by that standard, there are no socialists in America.

  • Uh, do you think the Labour Party manifesto was a socialist manifesto?

  • Now, is that some national?

  • Yeah, but that's that's there some things that should be nationalized.

  • I mean, so I think the Labour Party manifesto was Maur was further left, probably than I would want to go.

  • But on the other hand, the UK has privatized some things that really should not have been privatized.

  • You know, passenger rail.

  • The United States doesn't have privatized passenger rail and on GUK does.

  • And that was a big mistake when you say further left than you would want to go because it's economically no sensible or because you think it's politically impossible.

  • Ah, little bit of both.

  • I mean, I just worry mostly politically that I think that that, uh, most people certainly in the U.

  • S.

  • If you ask people their views on policy issues, the public is in fact, mildly center left.

  • It wants higher taxes on the rich.

  • It wants increased spending on social programs, but it doesn't want a radical move to the left.

  • And so that's where I would be pitching things politically.

  • Why do you think that is given, as you explore in the book, A lot of social democracy is both popular, as you say, but also successful.

  • Oh, you mean, why do so many people Why?

  • Why does the right succeed politically when what people want?

  • If you asked about the issues and Thea answer is, it's primarily distraction and disinformation.

  • And in the United States, overwhelmingly, it's race.

  • And then nothing in the United States makes sense of until you understand the crucial role of race.

  • So what basically happened is that in America, the plutocrats figured out that they could win elections by appealing to the residual racism of the white working class.

  • And that sounds simplistic, but it's but it's basically true.

  • Well, how did that?

  • Well, the big turn in American politics came after the passage of the Civil Rights Act in in the sixties, when basically it turns out that if you're a party that is four kind of equality on the economic level, supports Ah, labor supports a strong social safety net.

  • You find it that you gravitate towards equality on other fronts as well towards equality, racial equality, quality in terms of sexual preferences, whatever.

  • And that left an open space for the the Party of Inequality, the party of plutocrats to move in and do more or less sometimes coded, sometimes fairly explicit racist appeals so that that must mean that you think huge numbers of ordinary people are racist.

  • Sexist, dinosaur.

  • I wouldn't quite say dinosaur, but look it.

  • Racism is a very, very real phenomenon, and some of it is flat on your face.

  • Just calling people, uh um, racial insults.

  • There's a lot of that out there.

  • A lot of it is more implicit.

  • Polling says that a lot of a lot of Americans believe that that there's just as much discrimination against white people as there is against people of color, and that is manifestly not true, all right, it's just it just is not reality, but that's Ah.

  • People have feel a sense of grievance about that.

  • You know, you don't want to go out insulting people and saying, Oh, you're terrible people But but on the other end.

  • To deny that race is a big factor in in voting is just crazy.

  • But you've also called the Republican policy.

  • You know, the past, you stupid people in the past, I don't think I have.

  • That's not I think, I said.

  • I said of certain Republican politicians that I think that quoted someone else on this.

  • But that's that.

  • That certain Republican politicians are a stupid person's idea of what a thoughtful person sounds like, which I think a great remark.

  • No, but they're certainly you think, their ideas, their dead to the extent that you think you know that tears and therefore But I funny things.

  • I think most of the voters don't actually by the ideas.

  • They buy the attitude.

  • It's the feeling of that.

  • It's us, us, real Americans against non real Americans, which happens to be a large part of the country.

  • So you think identity politics is essentially delivered?

  • Yes, a party of plutocrats and you'll.

  • That's right.

  • It seems an astonishing propositions.

  • You know, if you were starting from scratch to say, let's build a party, that's just for rich people, and we're gonna get all the poor people to vote for it by appealing to their inner racism well.

  • But that's but that is, in fact, the strategy.

  • It's not.

  • It's it's quite explicit often, so do you.

  • Do you think that's the progress as you see it that we've seen since the 19 sixties is false, illusory?

  • Didn't really happen.

  • I mean who?

  • No, I think we're We're actually social attitudes are far more open and progressive than they were mean.

  • Back when Reagan was elected on Lee, 1/3 of white Americans thought that interracial marriage was acceptable.

  • And that's that's at least people are not willing tell pollsters that anymore.

  • So we've made huge social progress.

  • But but not enough to mean that these attitudes aren't still there.

  • And we may be experiencing some regress now because Trump has basically made it okay to to express those attitudes again.

  • You also had a column in here that you've expanded on in the book about why Trump shouldn't be called a populist.

  • Yeah, I mean, if the populism, if it means anything, it means actually trying to do stuff for regular people on the usual accusation against populist is well, they're trying to do stuff for ordinary people but in ways that is our economically destructive, Trump hasn't done any of that.

  • Trump, in when he ran in 2016 pretended to be a populist.

  • He said.

  • I am going to raise taxes on rich people and I am not going to cut Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid.

  • But in practice, he has been an absolutely Orthodox Republican.

  • He's cut taxes for rich people.

  • Um, he's trying to cut this the social safety net programs.

  • There's nothing in his agenda that does working, working Americans any good at all.

  • It's all aimed at the top S O.

  • He's populist only in the sense that that maybe he gives voice to some popular but socially unacceptable views on race because what's become very sort of current both in America and in Britain with the whole Brexit process is the idea that people are prepared to accept economic pain for something they believe in.

  • And in Britain it was Brexit Bond, the warnings off economic pain, and some people just didn't believe it and said it was wrong when some people said, Even if it's true, I'm prepared to deal with that because this is something that I want.

  • I mean, is this a new Oh, I think that's probably make phenomenon.

  • Well, it's always been true to some extent, me and people.

  • Identity politics isn't new.

  • There's always been at a time when one party exploited identity politics pretty thoroughly.

  • Parties in the Democratic Party used to rely long time ago, relied on a solid South, which was all segregationist whites.

  • And essentially, those people are now Republicans.

  • So this has always been part of the story.

  • But I do think there's also a lot of failure to understand.

  • Mean lots of people who are crucially dependent upon on what we would call progressive economic policies don't know that.

  • So there it's a combination.

  • There is some underlying willingness to prioritize identity politics over economic self interest.

  • But there's also vast misunderstanding, a point where your economic self interest lies to people just don't know what the voting for.

  • That's where very much people don't know what they're voting for.

  • I mean, there will be people.

  • You listen, listening to that, um, on the whole tenor of this conversation, I suppose you will say, Well, this is just the epitome of the liberal elite.

  • Listening to this guy well, I mean, what can I do except to say the facts as I see them?

  • I guess I would consider myself a populist in the sense that I want policies that help the ordinary, the ordinary working family.

  • Now does that require that I accept the ordinary working families necessarily understand all of the policy issues?

  • And what I would say and to that is No, of course it does not, and it's not because I'm brilliant, but because I have time to study it.

  • The big thing about politics is that people have lives, they have kids, they have jobs, they're busy.

  • They pick up their understanding of political events from a few minutes of news coverage, and particularly if the news coverage is coming from Fox News.

  • Ah, but even to some extent, mainstream news media, they're not getting all of this in 2018 people did understand that are enough.

  • People understood that Trump was trying to take away the gains that they had made them turn elections.

  • That's right, the mid term congressional elections, the the notion that Trump was trying to take away the gains that we've made in health care during the Obama years that did make it through and led to a smashing Democratic victory.

  • So it does get through but his heart.

  • And when you try to get into anything, any elaborate policy discussion, yeah, you have to always bear in mind that again.

  • People like me, people like you were basically I paid to keep track of these things.

  • Most people are not.

  • So does America feel like you'll country At the moment?

  • Much of America still does, but it's very much on the edge.

  • I mean, I know people who've carefully tracked the collapse of democracy in places like Hungry and the United States is definitely, uh, heading down that path.

  • We could America could be unrecognizable in the very near future with democracy, Rule of law are extremely at risk right now.

  • The modern version of how democracies fail is not that all the laws on the books are changed and that the Constitution is repealed.

  • It's that, uh, the reality starts to be nothing like what the Constitution says on paper.

  • So you've got a situation where, just hypothetically, where a president can obviously engaged in corrupt collusion with a foreign power for electoral advantage.

  • Um, and almost all the members of his party in the Senate vote to acquit him despite the evidence.

  • Right.

  • Uh uh.

  • You've got a situation where the tools of public policy are abused.

  • S O that the Justice Department starts releasing financial records of of people who are hostile to the president while concealing the financial records of of the president and people close to him.

  • So that sort of thing.

  • Once it starts to spread, you end up with a situation in which, ah, there's a general climate of repression and fear, and the media in particular get, get, get suppressed and muzzled.

  • And we've seen it happen.

  • We've seen that script, you know, because it has already happened and hungry.

  • You can see it happening in Poland.

  • That's Ah, and the United States is very close to that point.

  • You sure that that feeling that you have of how close that is isn't like your reaction after his election?

  • You know, it's just a silver revulsion to him and therefore you predict what?

  • Oh, no, no.

  • This one that one was up was bad.

  • Three days and I on my own, my own analysis.

  • If I had actually just stopped to think, said the reverse of what I said on election night.

  • In this case, this is based on lots and lots of I mean, as I say, I do a lot of homework and I I'm talk to ah ah lot.

  • I read a lot of political science literature.

  • I talked to international relations people.

  • I This is not a hasty reaction.

  • This is unfortunately, deeply grounded.

  • What's actually going on?

  • Because people on your on your side of politics often talk about, You know, this being a president who has no regard for the law and all that kind of isn't the fact that actually he does stay within the rules.

  • And that's why he's still the president know some of the rule he has not, I mean, by any normal standard, uh, what?

  • What Trump has done is is worse than anything Nixon did.

  • The difference The difference between Trump and Nixon and in on impeachment, is that the is that the Republican Party has changed and that Nixon had a party that's still contained a lot of people who believed in themselves as independent voices, and we're prepared to defy the party line if if, if their conscience, said they they should and, ah, the modern Republican Party with Certainly the modern Republican Senate contained one person, right?

  • Submit.

  • Romney was the only the only senator willing to do what dozens of senators were willing to do back in 19 seventies.

  • What about the rules with regard to the rest of the world on international trade?

  • Now one of the really surprising things about this book is that there's not a huge amount about international trading.

  • You kind of say worse, the effect that international trade isn't important it's cracked up to be, Yeah, I was surprising coming from a man who won his Nobel Price.

  • Yeah, that's right.

  • Which witch is lying?

  • Why I have the right to say that.

  • Um, now the the basic point there is that our starting line on international trade is that it is fairly clean.

  • Ah, tariffs are low.

  • International trade is relatively open.

  • It's not grossly distorted on.

  • And so Trump has thrown in a bunch of distortions.

  • But that still leaves it.

  • Not that tariff rates have gone up and we'd have these trade conflicts.

  • But as compared with something like healthcare, United States spends aboutthe same amount on imports that does on it on health care.

  • Which of those is a truly screwed up system?

  • The answer is health care much more than trade.

  • So as a policy issue, what we do on health care is much more important than what we do on trade.

  • What about for British people listening to this right now, as we as we enter a post Brexit period and possibly you know, a pretty simple trade deal with the European Union that starts to see the reintroduction of of trade barriers?

  • Yeah, I mean, Brexit I is a mistake.

  • It will make Britain poorer, but it's not a catastrophe.

  • And that was a big mistake that the anti Brexit people made of trying to over dramatize.

  • It's a friction.

  • It will mean that you're Britain will continue to do most of its trade with its neighbors because that's the way world trade works.

  • It's always distance is a huge factor.

  • So anyone thinking that that some deal with United States can make up for Brexit is is delusional, and you will add some costs, some frictions that will probably make Britain a couple of percent poor than it would otherwise be, uh, not the end of the world.

  • The United States and Canada, uh, is not part of a customs union with the United States.

  • It's a free trade area, but it there are border checks.

  • You do need thio go through.

  • Ah, a procedure to cross the border now.

  • Canada probably would be a little bit richer if it was actually part of, ah, customs union with the U.

  • S.

  • But Canada is not last I looked the nightmare society.

  • So, uh, I think that the optimistic view is that Brexit will be, you know, im Bank Britain a bit poorer, certainly.

  • Ah, it's it's a bad sign.

  • I mean, that the European project as a whole, which historically has been such a good thing, is kind of running aground on Brexit is part of it.

  • But the But it's not the end of the world.

  • So I suppose, is the lesson from both sides of the Atlantic that warning of economic catastrophe in these arguments is always a mistake.

  • Well, unless it is rarely a catastrophe, Yeah, a wealthy advanced country like America or Britain.

  • Um, I can handle quite a lot of mismanagement of the top.

  • Uh, catastrophes do happen, but it usually takes more than just the bad policies of the head of state.

  • To do that.

  • So is the politics and the values that can be a contest, yes, and rather than the economy.

  • Yes, and remember there the economy is not one thing.

  • So Trump's policies in the U.

  • S.

  • Um, are unlikely to produce, ah, catastrophe for GDP.

  • But they can produce catastrophic outcomes for millions of families who will be deprived of essential things like health care.

  • So there will be many small catastrophes, but one big one.

  • I do worry.

  • If something else happens, there's a major shock.

  • Then it's not clear that there's anybody in the Trump administration who has a clue about how to respond.

  • And we were very lucky in 2008 that we have smart people, uh, running all of the world's major economies, and it's not clear that we'll have that kind of luck next time.

  • But if you like, if you think that Trump is a terrible, terrible person and doing terrible things to America's future, which I do, there's a temptation to look for instant gratification.

  • That's the temptation I fell into for three days and in 2016 on, say, this is a media catastrophe, but it's no.

  • It's a much slower motion.

  • Ah, gradual erosion of the bases off a decent society just on health care.

  • I mean, again, sort of look at the two systems in Europe and, well, there are more than two systems, obviously, in Europe in America.

  • But America thinks of itself is having excellent health care.

  • Yeah, um, to be honest, I think a lot of the Europeans think of American healthcare is very good.

  • It's not.

  • It's not as good as people think, is it?

  • If you look at at outcomes and so on, Americans with health insurance have about the same quality of healthcare as British people, as all all advanced country healthcare systems look roughly comparable in their effect on this American differences that we still have a significant number of people without health insurance and so that our overall outcomes are way below.

  • I mean, a U.

  • S.

  • Life expectancy used to be no higher than that of Western Europe, and we've been lagging further and further behind, um, and by the way, within the United States that that lag is very much tied to the politics of this state.

  • But we also made a lot of progress.

  • Is one of these things people I think failed to appreciate.

  • Even though Obamacare was an imperfectly success story, it nonetheless meant that 20 million people who did not have access to health insurance are now covered.

  • That's, Ah, that's a pretty big deal.

  • Can you explain why the idea of socialized medicine or anything like the N hs seemed so reviled by so many Americans?

  • Oh, there's there's two stories here.

  • There's a historical story because we could have had I don't think we're ever gonna have anything like the NHL's.

  • But we might have had something like the Canadian system, Uh uh, or for that matter, what we have for all senior citizens in United States.

  • We have national health insurance for everybody over 65.

  • Medicare.

  • We almost got it in 1947 President Harry Truman tried to add health care to Social Security to our retirement program, narrowly failed because of ah coalition between, um, doctors who were afraid it would lead to lower incomes and southern segregationists who are afraid that it would lead to integrated hospital's probably correctly by the because in the end, when Medicare came in, one of things that did do was forced the integration of hospitals.

  • Also, race was critical then and now the problem you have now is there are powerful spells, special interests, the insurance companies.

  • But I think even more important is ah 160 million Americans have private health insurance.

  • And if you want to change to something, even like the Canadian system, let alone the N h s.

  • Um, you're saying to those 160 million people were going to take away the coverage you now have and replace us, replace it with something else.

  • Trust us.

  • It will be better now.

  • It probably would be better, but that's a hell of, ah, leap to ask people to make.

  • So there's an inherent not politically conservative, but just conservatives in the sense that if if if it if it ain't broke, why fix it?

  • You're asking a lot to ask people to, except the force transition to a very, very different system.

  • I want to come back to talk about the election in a minute, But could we just spend a few minutes talking about you and why you became an economist.

  • Where did it come from?

  • Did you study economics at school?

  • I mean, I mean high school.

  • I didn't tell you a funny story.

  • I was a very nerdy high school student.

  • I read science fiction, and I read Isaac Asimov, who had a classic set of novels.

  • The foundation trilogy, which is about mathematical social scientists who saved galactic civilization.

  • And I wanted to be one of those guys, and economics was as close as I could get on Dhe.

  • What?

  • Because your parents were my grandparents when your family came to the United States?

  • Oh, yeah, my grandparent's ah were all born in a former sub various parts of the former Soviet Union.

  • Um, and they immigrated to the United States.

  • So my parents were born in the U.

  • S.

  • But poor slum kids, so you didn't go to posh schools are?

  • No.

  • We went to a good suburban high school, public school, public school in the Americans and a government run school.

  • Um, was easy to get to Yale.

  • Or was that just because you are very clever, It I scored high.

  • I was, uh, one thing.

  • I've always been good as taking exams.

  • And if you went to a a normal public high school, that was a relatively straightforward thing to do If you were top of the class.

  • Yeah, it was.

  • Ah, now it would be interesting if I had gone to an inner city school.

  • Uh, not ah ah, Well off suburban community might have been very different, but there was plenty of opportunity for upward upward mobility.

  • Ah, it's certainly in the United States of 19 sixties.

  • When do you think thats going?

  • Oh, no, there's still quite a lot of it, but not perhaps as much as the there was.

  • And actually I was.

  • My parents were well enough off to to afford to send me to a private university, though I learned later that they had to make some sacrifices to do that.

  • But, Thea, you know, we used to have a lot of really excellent public universities as well.

  • We still do, but there, but they're not cheap anymore.

  • Only a handful of the original, inexpensive, high quality public education remains.

  • As it happens, I'm at one of those institutions now.

  • I retired from Princeton and moved to the City University of New York, which remains a tremendous engine of upper social mobility.

  • My father went to Brooklyn College, which is part of the CUNY system s O the in that second hand, I'm a beneficiary of the off the great public education system we used to have with your parents Still with us when you won the Nobel Prize.

  • Yes.

  • Thank you.

  • Thank you.

  • I was thankful that that was able to share that with them.

  • Is why those things, Actually, you always feel, or at least if you're somebody like me, I really felt it was for them and for for the family, Not for me you refer to is the Swedish thing.

  • Yeah.

  • Look, a zip.

  • It doesn't mess.

  • Well, it's a peculiar thing, right?

  • If your colleagues, your professional colleagues, they have a view of your work which is not going to be changed by what some Swedes say one way or the other s o the people who really whose opinion I care about a lot.

  • It doesn't matter so much.

  • It is a wonderful door opener.

  • Lots of lots of things become available.

  • If you have that, you know, credential to wave.

  • Actually, at one point, I had to as visiting Oxford for for a month a few years back and was told the U.

  • K government has gotten very strict.

  • You need to bring Ah, among other things, evidence that you possess expertise in the profession that you intend to practice.

  • I thought, Well, I have this gold coin I could slap on the table at immigration, But no, I didn't.

  • So let's come back up to date.

  • Then as we look, look ahead.

  • I was going to say, Look forward, but let's just say look ahead to the election.

  • I mean, you were very skeptical about Bernie Sanders.

  • Are you less skeptical now?

  • Because you mean you said recently that if he selected, everyone should get behind Oh, no depth that that's always been my position.

  • The whoever the Democrats nominate first, I think it makes very little difference in terms of actual policy.

  • Bernie Sanders has a very aggressive program on Lee.

  • A piece of that would be enacted.

  • Some of the other contenders are much more moderate, but all of them are actually substantially more progressive, actually, even than Barack Obama was.

  • So we're gonna get a moderately progressive program if any Democrat is elected on and we're going to get horrifically regressive program and an assault on democracy if Donald Trump is reelected, so I I will have no problem.

  • Um, I'm not allowed to do explicit endorsements, but I will have no problem talking about the virtues of Bernie Sanders, as opposed to Donald Trump, if that's where it comes to.

  • I do worry that Sanders that by calling himself a socialist, um, that he buy and to some extent by denigrating the achievements of his party, talks down the major achievements that were of the Obama administration that he will be weakening the case.

  • So I do worried that he may be kind of leading with his chin in a general election.

  • But I have no problem with Sanders if Bernie Sanders is inaugurated next year.

  • Ah, I will be very relieved.

  • Do you think he should learn a lesson from Jeremy Corbyn?

  • Ah, yes, I would hope so.

  • I think that you think the lesson, The lesson was that you need to be a unifying candidate for your party, and you need to, uh, tried to make it clear that it's the other guy who is the radical.

  • The other guy who's threatening the foundations of society, Not you.

  • If I thought Bernie Sanders is program was achievable.

  • For the most part, I supported I would take a single payer health care and in a second, if it if I thought it could be done.

  • I just don't think it's actually within reach because America won't vote for you.

  • That's right.

  • Well, America won't vote for it.

  • And, ah, and even if he becomes president, the it won't get through the won't GET through Congress.

  • Uh, there are too many people who are saying we're going to abolish Private insurance is a step too far.

  • Why aren't you allowed to do an explicit?

  • Because if the Times this has apparently happened the distant past, an opinion writer for The New York Times says, Vote for Joe Smith.

  • And then people go around saying New York Times says, Vote for Joe Smith.

  • So it's over.

  • You have to avoid providing tank lines that can be attributed to the paper as opposed to simply being your personal views.

  • So you comply all you like, but you can't say you can't say the words.

  • It's been very interesting talking to you in the last 45 minutes.

  • Do you have a dim view of a lot of people on the other side of the political divide?

  • I mean oh, on the other side of political divine.

  • I am extremely dim, clean, modern.

  • Think they'll stupid and hateful.

  • Uh, no, they're not stupid.

  • That's Ah, not the political people.

  • The modern Republican Party is a party of operatic ce therapy it up.

  • It's a very cynical party.

  • People who basically sold their souls for for the sake of political influence.

  • Um, no bones about that.

  • And they they tell a lot of lies a zay said all of the zombie.

  • You know, there's about zombie ideas.

  • All of the important zombies in American life are zombies that air coming from the right and and have the backing of the Republican Party.

  • So there's no symmetry between the parties, individual people.

  • There are perfectly nice people who are who consider themselves Republicans.

  • Um, for the most part, I think they don't really understand the nature of the party.

  • They're they're supporting.

  • Do you have any Republican friends?

  • Yeah, Few.

  • Although I have to say some several of them have now said, You know, I no longer consider myself a Republican.

  • So I think basically it's possible to be a nice person at a Republican, but only for a little bit oblivious.

  • Do you think Donald Trump's gonna win?

  • I don't know.

  • I really don't know.

  • I mean that that there has ah lot of things going for him.

  • Uh, this deficit fueled economy is pretty strong.

  • The Democrats are squabbling.

  • On the other hand, he's remarkably unpopular, given the state of the economy.

  • And my hope, I guess, is that the 2020 election will be like the 2018 midterms, that what will happen is that a lot of people in particular suburban women will say, Oh, no, not this guy, But anything can happen.

  • If you could wave a magic wand and change the world, what would you do?

  • Boy means questions.

  • How powerful is that magic want?

  • But no, I mean, if if I I would like to see, uh, the world's wealthy countries all become kind of, uh and I know somebody used to talk about slightly imaginary sweetened.

  • Let me call a slightly imaginary Denmark support a strong social safety net, empowered workers and aggressive action to protect the planet against climate change.

  • So there are societies, political, uh, countries that that move most in that direction.

  • So if I could only make that happen and make all of these sort of atavistic reactions go away and and disempower the the evil plutocrats who are a real force in the world would do that Dent in Mark's obviously sort of very high on your list of admiration?

  • Well, yeah.

  • I mean, not that not that I particularly would want to be, but I I am very American, but I don't want to live that well, If I had to, I would.

  • But but the point is that they show that it could be done.

  • They show that you can have a very strong soft safety net and good conditions for workers and still have a very healthy economy.

  • So it's kind of an illustration of the possibilities of a decent society which, which unfortunate, my country is not taking advantage of Paul Krugman.

  • Thank you very much indeed for joining us and giving us your ways to change the world on arguing with zombies.

  • It's already out, isn't it?

  • So I indeed it is.

  • So good luck with that book number 27.

  • Something that I have absolutely no idea.

  • You've lost count?

  • Yes, but it's Ah, it's number three on movers and shakers and Amazon, right this morning.

  • Well, thank you very much.

  • I hope you enjoyed that.

  • If you did, then please do give us a racing and review.

  • You can watch all of these interviews on the Channel Four news YouTube channel.

  • Our producers, Rachel Evans.

  • Until next time.

  • Bye bye.

hello and welcome to ways to change the world.

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Brexitは間違いだが、大惨事ではない」-ノーベル賞受賞の経済学者ポール・クルーグマン ('Brexit is a mistake but it is not a catastrophe' - Nobel prize-winning economist Paul Krugman)

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    林宜悉 に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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