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  • >> Okay, thanks.

  • Can everybody hear me?

  • I thought I'd start off with just a couple of straw polls.

  • Who here has never been to an Ikea store?

  • It's a very small number, probably about 5%.

  • Who here enjoys shopping at Ikea?

  • Now, that's interesting.

  • We're getting about 25% of the audience there.

  • Well, I hope to sort of end up with a bit of enlightenment

  • about the nature of Ikea, because there are a lot

  • of people who go there who don't enjoy it

  • but still seem to keep going.

  • But what I thought I'd do is start off with a bit of science.

  • Now, shopping and the way we shop is something that's been

  • going on for a long time, and broadly I think,

  • people find it an enjoyable experience.

  • I'm going to go into some of the reasons why this is the case

  • and how it takes place as we go through.

  • Shopping forms the hearts of our cities,

  • and I think that the retail experience,

  • the shopping experience, even if it's just window shopping,

  • informs the way we think about and look at our cities

  • as we move around them.

  • [ Background noise ]

  • >> What a shop is is an interface to the street.

  • And so to make sure the threshold from looking

  • from the inside to the outside and looking

  • from the outside inwards, are 2 quite different experiences.

  • And I'm going to be talking about the nature

  • of that threshold, as you step over from the urban realm

  • into the shopping interior, what takes place.

  • What I'll eventually say is that as you step over the threshold,

  • you exchange a contract with the shop owner, so the relationship

  • between the shopper and the shop owner is one

  • about contract exchange.

  • Let me give you a very simple representation of a little bit

  • of a city, and let's do a trick to it.

  • Let's take each line -- maybe those are streets --

  • and represent them as a dot, and then connect them

  • to the lines that cross them.

  • So that's the streets that meet that intersect, and then those

  • in turn and finally that one there.

  • We've now represented a street pattern

  • as what a mathematician calls a graph.

  • Now, a second trick.

  • Let's look at it from this point of view, and let's lay it

  • out in terms of going from street to street to street

  • as you turn corners as you move through urban space.

  • It looks like that.

  • Let's look at it from a different point of view.

  • It looks like that.

  • Intriguing thing is that the same pattern

  • of space is objectively different from different points

  • of view, so from the blue dot on the left,

  • the rest of the world is distanced from you;

  • you're relatively isolated.

  • And from the right-hand dot, the rest of the world is close

  • to you; you're relatively accessible or integrated.

  • So we can color up a map, according to the deck,

  • if you like, of everywhere else from here,

  • and you go through the spectrum from blue bits that are isolated

  • through to red bits that are relatively accessible.

  • Now, there are three rules for retailing

  • that any retailer will tell you,

  • the location, location, location.

  • And what I'm going to suggest is that the sort of map

  • of accessibility is the thing that gives rise to this property

  • of location that the retailer finds so important.

  • Let's look at London, and this is coloring

  • up on exactly the same method, but with all of these lines,

  • all the streets that you have within the north

  • and south circular roads in this case.

  • I should make it a bit darker in here so you can see this.

  • Is that more visible?

  • Intriguingly, the red line

  • in the center there is Oxford Street.

  • It turns out to be the shallowest

  • and most accessible street in the whole of that map of London,

  • but you can say similar things about the King's Road,

  • or maybe the Holloway Road.

  • You can spot them.

  • Now, this is purely an analysis of how the street system

  • of London connects together.

  • Let's zoom in.

  • That's Camden Town.

  • You can see Regent's Park is marked off,

  • with all its pedestrian routes through it.

  • And there are the locations

  • of each retail outlet in that little area.

  • Two kinds.

  • There are the areas where they aggregate together

  • into big clusters along the main streets,

  • along Camden High Street and so forth,

  • and then there are the disbursed convenience corner shops off

  • in the back streets.

  • You can do a similar thing, looking again

  • at the Oxford Street area.

  • Here's the map of Oxford Street and Regent's Streets,

  • and then that's the map of Land Use where red

  • in this case is the retailer, and you can see

  • that these clusterings are part of what we understand

  • about cities as we move around them.

  • You turn the corner, you're into a major shopping street,

  • you turn off the street into a line

  • that is slightly more isolated, the number of shops will drop,

  • you turn a corner again and you can be

  • in a completely quiet area devoid of any kind

  • of retail activity at all.

  • Now, there are some other facts.

  • If we go out and we count the way that people move

  • around in this sort of space, what you find is

  • that the more integrated and accessible a space,

  • the higher the flows of people moving through it,

  • whether those are pedestrians or whether they're vehicles,

  • the lower and more inaccessible, the fewer people move through.

  • So you've got a bit of a thesis here.

  • The structure of space

  • in the city attracts pedestrian movement,

  • and the reason why location is so important

  • to the retailer is they need passing trade;

  • they need people walking past the door.

  • So what do you do?

  • Well, shops follow people.

  • The way the shops are located in the city is an attractor effect

  • in that the retailers are attracted by the pedestrians

  • who are there because of the way the structure

  • of space links together.

  • People are then attracted by the shops,

  • until you've got a multiplier,

  • and that is why this is an emergent phenomenon,

  • that something which is quite difficult to plan

  • for until you understand the principles,

  • but once you understand the principles you can then guide

  • them if you like.

  • But if you take a really isolated location and put a shop

  • in it, essentially that shop has to do a lot of marketing,

  • handing out very good quality value goods in order

  • to overcome the separation of space.

  • Now, this is something which has always been the case and happens

  • in all parts of the world under different cultures.

  • And here are some work done by a Ph.D. student

  • of mine Nazarene Hussein (phonetic), several years,

  • where she looked at the growth of the city of Dhaka

  • and Bangladesh and in particular looked at retail.

  • So in 1952, this is a map, an analysis of the city of Dhaka,

  • and the sort of black dots along some of the streets,

  • those are the retail shopping areas of the old city of Dhaka.

  • As the city grew in 1962, the pattern --

  • the city has grown enormously, as you can see --

  • but then the pattern of shops has taken up new areas

  • and expanded, and then going on again 10 years later, 1975,

  • it's grown further, and by the time you get to 1995,

  • you've got a very interesting and coherent pattern by which

  • as the city expands, new spaces become accessible

  • in the larger city, and those

  • in turn then attract the retail functions and those

  • in turn attract more shoppers and so forth.

  • What kind of retail is this?

  • Well, in a city like Bangladesh, or like Dhaka and Bangladesh,

  • it is relatively unregulated.

  • Even if there is regulation, people tend to get

  • around it in various ways.

  • And so you've got a relatively perfect market taking place

  • without regulation, an interesting thing.

  • And that makes it particularly interesting for those who want

  • to study how shopping takes place.

  • What Nazarene did was she went out and she surveyed a number

  • of these market buildings that characterize this kind of area.

  • Many of these are multi-floor, three floors in this case.

  • They've grown up over many years.

  • They're relatively unplanned and undersigned.

  • But they're designed, if you like, on the ground,

  • so they tend to make sense.

  • She looked in each of them at the different range of kinds

  • of things that were being sold, so that maybe areas

  • which are selling men's Western clothing or Saris

  • or accessories, jewelry and so forth, cassettes and snacks,

  • and things of that sort.

  • She then went on to survey a series of the shop owners,

  • and asked them who their clients were.

  • But even more interesting,

  • she went to survey the shoppers themselves.

  • And she asked them a series of very simple questions.

  • She said, what did you plan to buy when you came here?

  • And they would give a list of things.

  • They'd say, I'm going to buy my husband some shirts.

  • What did you end up buying already?

  • Where else have you gone?

  • And they would give a list of things.

  • They'd say, oh, well, I went to the cassette shop

  • and bought a cassette.

  • And then they'd say, where else do you plan to go on shopping

  • at the end of the trip, before the end of the trip?

  • And they'd say, oh, I'm going to get some lunch or I'm going

  • to buy some more clothes for myself or whatever else.

  • This allowed her to split the stated reasons why people came

  • there from those that just seemed to happen as a byproduct

  • of them being in the place at all.

  • What was it that was the reason they came

  • from what were those things,

  • which were really impulse purchases?

  • And she managed to do this for different markets,

  • and they have different answers.

  • Sorry, these diagrams were difficult to read,

  • but the way to think about it is is that this one is food

  • and snacks, and that some people planned to come

  • to this market for food and snacks.

  • A lot of people didn't plan to come to it for that,

  • but people who planned to come

  • for these things never bought them just by impulse.

  • So certain parts of these markets are

  • at generator functions.

  • People will come for specific things.

  • Other parts are what are called suscipient.

  • That means you come there, you purchase from them,

  • just as a byproduct of the fact that you're there already.

  • And what was interesting was that the layout

  • of where things are that are generator functions,

  • they cluster together into big lumps

  • and quite often they will go onto the upper floors.

  • The ones that are the suscipient functions that depend

  • on a passing trade separated from each other --

  • they're colored yellow on this diagram --

  • by and large they separated from each other,

  • and they located themselves in the most accessible areas,

  • so next to the staircase, next to the entrance,

  • and predominantly on the ground floor.

  • And the reason for that is that if you're not the main reason

  • that somebody has come to a particular market, then you need

  • to take advantage of spatial location

  • to give you accessibility, but you also are

  • in competition with your neighbors.

  • So you're in competition

  • with somebody else who's having a snack,

  • because it's the first snack that you see

  • when you're hungry that you buy.

  • If you're the generator function for a retail area,

  • then people are there to buy a particular piece of clothing,

  • what they want to do is go around

  • and compare quality design value

  • across multiple different outlets.

  • For that reason, you aggregate together.

  • So the benefit for the retailer in aggregation

  • and clustering together is because they get a benefit

  • of critical mass, attracting people to this market as opposed

  • to some other market in the city,

  • because they'll get a better range of value

  • and choice by going there.

  • If you think about restaurants on Charlotte Street

  • or computer shops on Tottenham Court Road,

  • it's that kind of effect.

  • The benefit of aggregation outweighs the disbenefit

  • of competition.

  • Okay, so let's take a slightly different study.

  • This is the ground floor of Harrods, one of the best sort

  • of tourist attractions in London,

  • one of the most attractive, and they came to us with a problem.

  • The problem was that on a Saturday they get double the

  • number of people through the doors than they do on a weekday,

  • and yet they only made 1.6 as much money.

  • And you get 60% up rise from a doubling of people,

  • so they felt they had a problem.

  • They felt they had a problem, which was that the congestion

  • on the ground floor was so high

  • that they were stopping getting the passing trade.

  • The people weren't moving past the goods

  • because it was just so congested.

  • So we went to study it.

  • We did an analysis of its spatial structure,

  • we found isolated areas and more accessible areas,

  • we found that it's more accessible on this side

  • than that side of the way and to that particular food hall.

  • And we observed how people moved around the whole

  • of the shop floor, and it makes sense.

  • For instance, there were greater numbers of people moving

  • through the more accessible side

  • than this slightly more tortuous way around this side.

  • It turns out that the relationship

  • between our analysis of spatial structure and the flows

  • of people is a reasonable relationship.

  • You can predict from spatial structure flows

  • of people around the store.

  • However, what we found was that the flows

  • of people didn't relate to the numbers of transactions.

  • So if you get the point of sale data, what you find is

  • that what relates to the number

  • of transactions are the static people, not the moving people.

  • This was novel.

  • It led us to be able to suggest back to the store managers

  • that the real problem wasn't

  • that the congestion was stopping people from passing,

  • in part from moving, but the congestion was leading

  • to people stopping or to inhibiting people from browsing.

  • It actually stopped them stopping.

  • You just have to keep moving, because there's such a pressure

  • of a crowd behind you that you never had a chance to shop.

  • So much for turnover.

  • What about making a profit?

  • Well, some of our most sophisticated retailers are

  • those sort of supermarkets and the large warehouses,

  • and they have wonderful data.

  • You go out and you have a look at these supermarkets,

  • and you can trace around and follow people as how they shop.

  • Here's people who do this kind

  • of zigzagging all over the place.

  • This one is somebody who shops and then does little forays

  • up and down the aisles.

  • Quite often, people who shop in pairs do this.

  • One holds the trolley and the other one pumps.

  • And you can do this for lots of people,

  • and you can get a picture of the way that shopping takes place.

  • Now, it turns out in these kinds of stores

  • that what makes money is not necessarily an obvious thing.

  • You get very high-priced goods,

  • so total sales value of wine is high.

  • The number of items of wine that are sold is only middling.

  • Similar sort of thing for tobacco.

  • These are expensive, yes, and relatively low in turnover.

  • Things like biscuits, very high in turnover, much cheaper,

  • but you make a profit on them.

  • And so there's a really interesting question

  • that underlies profit that requires you

  • to unpack exactly what the margins are

  • on every line of goods.

  • You have to look in the store

  • for where all those goods are located, and you have

  • to look also at, it's all very well people passing

  • through an aisle, but it's no good

  • if they don't actually choose something,

  • if they don't convert into a real sale.

  • So here we are with conversion rates,

  • and the red ones are the high conversion rates --

  • fruit, milk, beer, coffee, more beer,

  • that's suggested a different way of looking at it.

  • In order to study this kind of thing,

  • it makes an enormous amount of sense to be able to go on

  • and compare one store to another store to another store

  • across a wide range that are all trying to sell similar things.

  • And we had an opportunity to do this in a study of one

  • of a large kind of electronics stores.

  • They gave us a dozen different store layouts;

  • they said they're all the same.

  • We looked at them and said, no, they're not.

  • They're all quite different, actually.

  • But they gave us very precise point of sale dates on exactly

  • where they made profit from each line.

  • So wonderful data, actually, the kind of thing you only get

  • through collaborating

  • with somebody who's interested in the answer.

  • And what we were able to say was that across the dozens patch

  • of stores, there's a relationship between 3 factors

  • that are spatial factors in the store and the level of profit

  • that they ended up making.

  • The 3 spatial factors are a factor called intelligibility,

  • which I will go on to explain to you just now, or maze-like

  • or understandable the layout is; the factor of accessibility

  • that I've already described; and the size of the visual field.

  • If you close down the size of the visual field,

  • on average you'll make people be always in a small space,

  • they get less understanding of what's around them,

  • and that seems to inhibit the profitability

  • of the store layout.

  • So what's intelligibility?

  • Well, the sort of mental experiment that I use

  • to explain this is take an area that's designed

  • like a little bit of a city and then give it a bit of a shake

  • on the tea tray, so that nothing quite lines up,

  • and it looks slightly messier.

  • The white blocks here you consider to be buildings

  • and the colored stuff is open space.

  • And then carry out my various methods of analyzing the depth

  • of the graph from each location, each point of view,

  • and look at the local properties of the graph,

  • just how many other streets cross this one,

  • is it purely local property, and how does that relate

  • to where I am in terms of average depth

  • from everywhere else in the graph.

  • And that's the global property.

  • It says, how does this space relate

  • to everything I can't see?

  • Intelligibility we define as the correlation between those 2.

  • To what extent does information

  • on what I can see locally give me a good indication

  • of where I am in the large scale plan of the whole thing?

  • You can design things to destroy the relationship

  • between the local and global, and you can design them

  • so that the 2 correlate very closely.

  • This allows you look at where you are locally and predict

  • where you would be in the large scale.

  • It's a very technical description.

  • It's something, by the way, that we find in a whole range

  • of cities from around the world,

  • organically grown settlements, as a regular feature.

  • They regularly create this property

  • of correlating local to global.

  • We also find that if you create a virtual reality model of one

  • of these and then put somebody in a VR headset and walk them

  • around it, my colleague Rick Andre Dawson [phonetic] did have

  • a Ph.D. on this subject, set them up from here and asked them

  • to find the sculpture in the center.

  • The people in the one that is intelligible get

  • that pretty directly, whereas those who are in the one

  • that is considered unintelligible, some of them get

  • that directly, but an awful lot go wandering all over the place,

  • and many never find it.

  • They never get to the target.

  • So intelligibility is really important in the urban realm

  • and in building interiors, because it gives you autonomy.

  • If you don't know where you are, how can you decide

  • where you want to go to?

  • So removal of intelligibility, which is one of the things

  • that architects can do and regularly do do, I'm afraid,

  • is a bit like giving somebody a lobotomy.

  • It removes your ability to act with intention.

  • Now, it's very important for a space to be intelligible

  • if you want to search for what you want,

  • and that's all part of shopping.

  • The last part of this is slightly different.

  • I'm going to talk about intelligibility,

  • but intelligibility of a slightly different kind,

  • and maybe something that's a bit more difficult

  • to get a grasp on.

  • But before I start this, why do we shop?

  • Well, we live in a very material culture,

  • and probably many cultures have been very material

  • for many years, so we're not that out

  • of kilter with our ancestors.

  • Objects become part of the way that we present ourselves.

  • They're invested with personal meaning.

  • They realize our social networks.

  • We give people birthday presents and Christmas presents

  • to reinforce our social networks.

  • The way we dress and all those sorts

  • of things carry something we say, send messages

  • about ourselves, personal memories in my mother's teapot

  • that I remember from years ago.

  • As a material object, the cheapest of cheap,

  • but as a personal thing, really quite valuable.

  • It's always been like that.

  • King Tutankhamun took it all with him to the other side

  • of the sticks or whatever.

  • That's probably wrong, isn't it?

  • And we intend to do things with objects in our houses.

  • This is that sort of corner of the dining room where I tend

  • to work, but it's got the set of shelves that's got portraits

  • of the ancestors, various objects

  • that have been gifts one way or another in the family

  • over the years, the things the kids make and bring back

  • from school (hello, Catherine, if you're out there

  • on the Internet somewhere), and that's a chair

  • that I was given, made a chair at UCL.

  • The way we dress, the way we perforate ourselves

  • or do our hair, or all those sorts of things --

  • they say things about ourselves, our identity, who we choose

  • to associate with and who we don't.

  • This is very important stuff.

  • Now, a quote.

  • A quote from Susie Steiner in the Guardian in 2005.

  • "When you're inside an Ikea store, you must come to terms

  • with a near permanent state of bewilderment: shelves stacked

  • with flat brown boxes labelled with random codes and names;

  • a yellow road which takes you inexplicably through bedrooms

  • when all you wanted was some kitchen handles.

  • And then, then, when your emotional temperature is rising

  • and you can feel a panicky hotness around your ears,

  • you will be faced with Ikea's version of customer care --

  • an underpaid teenager, trained

  • in psychic disengagement who'll tell you they're out of stock.

  • The next delivery won't be for two weeks.

  • No, you can't place an order,

  • you'll have to return to the store.

  • That other query?

  • You'll have to ask someone in bathrooms and that's five yards

  • down the yellow road and the queue's on your left."

  • Now, I don't know if this is very fair.

  • There's certainly a proportion

  • of the population who don't enjoy Ikea.

  • There's another proportion that really do, so let's try to get

  • to the bottom of what's going on there.

  • I had a student, a Master student a few years back called

  • Fera Kazim [phonetic], who went

  • out to study Ikea, and she got plans.

  • In fact, she had to draw the plans.

  • She had to wander around endlessly drawing the plans,

  • and she came back and she had analyzed them.

  • And if you remember the intelligible sort

  • of city layouts, they intend to have spokes around the hubs

  • of a wheel, so you've got a central area

  • which is really accessible and then various ways in and out

  • of the center which are accessible, and perhaps a bit

  • of the rim of the wheel, the outside will be accessible.

  • And we look at the showroom part of Ikea.

  • That's a bit up the stairs when you come in.

  • And what you find is chemistry looks

  • like a really well-working urban system.

  • So my first feeling was the computer's gone wrong,

  • because my personal experience is, it's nothing like that.

  • This was a completely shock to me.

  • She followed people around the store, a small number,

  • and guess what they do?

  • They walk around like this.

  • And you can see the sort of lines of people.

  • There they are.

  • In fact, if you shop in Ikea,

  • all you do is follow people around the store.

  • You very seldom find people going the other direction.

  • Yes, just think about it.

  • You do occasionally.

  • They're always looking very harassed.

  • So another bit of technology.

  • My colleague, Alistair Turner,

  • invented some wonderful software agents,

  • little computerized people if you like, that have vision,

  • and they can see ahead of them with a field of view.

  • And the field of view is constrained by objects

  • in the environment, so they sit inside a virtual model,

  • constrained by what they can see.

  • And each time they want to make a step in some direction,

  • they take a step to a point at random.

  • It may lead them to changing a direction slightly,

  • because they've selected something

  • over in the right field of view, and then taking a couple

  • of steps, and as they move relative to objects

  • in the environment, it changes the shape

  • of what they can see next, and so it cycles up.

  • Let's do this on the Ikea floor plate.

  • [ Background noise ]

  • >> Each of them, every time the step on the floor tile,

  • they make it go redder, and every time the floor tile sort

  • of doesn't get stepped on for awhile, it goes bluer.

  • And so eventually after you've been doing this for a long time,

  • you end up with a sort of a map of where the computer agents

  • with long distance vision of what they can see

  • in their environments, have actually ended up walking.

  • And guess what?

  • It's very much like the patent that we see for real people.

  • Now, tells us something very interesting.

  • There's a complete distinction between an analysis of space

  • which takes no account of forward facing vision

  • of the way we are built into our bodies if you like,

  • with eyes in the fronts of our heads, and a tendency

  • to walk forwards -- it's just sort of things

  • that we've evolved with millennia --

  • and an analysis which does not have that.

  • There's complete disjunction between those 2.

  • This is another form of unintelligibility.

  • What they've done is they've taken away something

  • which is very fundamental, evolved into us,

  • and designed an environment

  • which operates quite differently given

  • that we're forward-facing people embodied,

  • from the way it would happen if you just looked down on it

  • from outer space, if you like.

  • It's an interesting thing to do.

  • Its effect is highly disorienting.

  • So what's going on?

  • Ikea is very successful.

  • It's one of the most successful retailers ever,

  • especially for these kinds of household goods.

  • Why do people go there?

  • Well, an Apon table might have something to do with it,

  • very good value stock, well designed,

  • actually, and good value.

  • But I think there's something more going on.

  • It's highly disorienting, and yet,

  • there's only one route for you to follow.

  • You have to do this zigzaggy thing.

  • Your time allocation is used

  • up in the showroom upstairs before you get given the trolley

  • when you get downstairs.

  • They changed this recently and let you have trolleys upstairs,

  • actually, so it slightly spoils the talk.

  • And by the time you get to the marketplace,

  • you spend half an hour walking past bedrooms and bathrooms

  • and living rooms, and all these things

  • that you didn't actually come here for,

  • but getting subliminal messages about what goes with what.

  • You get down the stairs, they give you the trolley,

  • you see glasses, and you think, goodness me, those are cheap,

  • and you put them in the trolley.

  • And then you go on and you find table napkins, ah,

  • we need those, and put those in the trolley.

  • Before long, you've got a trolley full of stuff,

  • but it's not the things that you came there for,

  • something in the order of 60% of purchases in Ikea are not things

  • that people had on their shopping list

  • when they came in the first place.

  • That's phenomenal.

  • So what's going on?

  • Unintelligibility

  • and disorientation removes your autonomy.

  • They've extended the threshold of the beginning of the store

  • to this whole showroom, and use it

  • to remove your knowing of where you are.

  • You have to submit.

  • You can only give in and follow the route that they set

  • out for you, because to do anything else is

  • really difficult.

  • In fact there are shortcuts in Ikea.

  • If you want to go upstairs into the showroom,

  • you can then turn left and go immediately downstairs

  • into the marketplace and start shopping.

  • Expert Ikea shoppers know this.

  • Part of the reason that they enjoy it is

  • because they consider themselves

  • to have expertise in outer shoppage.

  • It's a really good fulfilling thing.

  • I'll tell you the trick.

  • If you want to know where the shortcuts is,

  • turn around; it's behind you.

  • Literally, anytime you want to know where the shortcut is,

  • turn around; it's there behind you.

  • So submission, first part of the 2-part contract.

  • Delayed gratification.

  • After half an hour, you can start filling it

  • and you do fill it up with stuff.

  • So Donny Miller, my colleague in anthropology, describes shopping

  • as sacrifice and shopping love,

  • basically is perhaps shopping as pyre exchange.

  • Is it exploitative?

  • Well, everybody's consenting adults,

  • and the Ikea lifestyle frees you from something,

  • which is the weight of all of that personal cultural stuff

  • which we invest in objects.

  • These are just commodities.

  • [ Music ]

  • >> It's all intentional.

  • Okay, thank you.

  • [ Applause ]

  • >> Thank you, Adam, for a talk I'm sure we can all relate to.

  • We do have a few minutes for questions,

  • if anyone does have one.

  • If you have a question,

  • this lecture's being broadcast online, so if you can wait

  • for one of my colleagues with a microphone to join you.

  • So any questions?

  • Down just in front of you.

  • >> Not so much a question but sharing the joy

  • of why I shop at Ikea.

  • I get -- why I like shopping in Ikea.

  • I break the fundamental rule.

  • I go in the exit.

  • But the barriers that the cashiers are trying

  • to prevent you do this, so don't look at anyone.

  • Just walk down the left of the queue of people waiting to pay.

  • Look like a harassed mother who's trying

  • to find a lost child perhaps, and you're in,

  • just in the way they don't want you.

  • If that's barred, then do as suggested you up the stairs,

  • immediately turn left, buy your 50P cake and coffee with glee,

  • and then down the stairs and immediately turn left,

  • and you're practically at the exit.

  • >> Thank you.

  • >> Thank you.

  • Louie, you've got that one down, my mike.

  • >> Can I ask about out of town shopping malls?

  • Apart from the parking accessibility, what is special

  • about them that attracts so much attention?

  • Are there special design features?

  • >> Yes, I think there are.

  • I mean, out of town shopping malls, an idea I think

  • that cropped up in America, which is very suburbanized.

  • It has a great lack of city-center of vanity.

  • It's highly motorized, and so being able to park close

  • to where the shops are is a crucial feature,

  • and I think both of those things are very attractive.

  • Now, I think you have to separate out the attractions

  • for the landowner or the property investor,

  • the retailer, and the shopper.

  • And they all have different interests.

  • There are certainly major attractions

  • for the property developer in being able to take a piece

  • of agricultural land, convert it to a retail use,

  • because you get an enormous gain in property value just

  • by getting planning permission.

  • There's then a great benefit

  • because of what you can do to the retailers.

  • Once you've got them and they've all got to come

  • to your shopping mall, you're a monopoly supplier, effectively,

  • and that means once you've got a critical mass

  • of retailers prepared to come to your shopping mall,

  • you've got them in a state in which you can begin

  • to charge rents that they would otherwise not be prepared

  • to pay.

  • Of course, all of these things are negotiated.

  • There are competing developers and competing retail miles

  • and so forth, so they tend to try

  • and get themselves a spatial monopoly in terms

  • of some particular location.

  • For the shopper, it's great because you've got a whole lot

  • of comparison goods under one roof.

  • So if you go to Red Cross, you'll find 80% is sort

  • of your clothing concessions.

  • It'll have one electronics concession in the form

  • of a Dixon's or a Currys, maybe a Sony

  • or something quite specialist downstairs, but by and large,

  • electronics are suscipients, they just take advantage

  • of the fact that everybody is there shopping for clothes,

  • the clothes are comparison, and they're just

  • like my Nazarene Hussein's Ph.D. in Bangladesh --

  • they're operating a very similar model.

  • >> Okay, thank you.

  • I'm afraid that is all we've got time for today.

  • Thank you so much for coming.

  • Thank you for your questions, and if you join me

  • in thanking Professor Alan Penn.

>> Okay, thanks.

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IKEAでのショッピングを楽しんでいる人は?(18 Jan 2011) (Who enjoys shopping in IKEA? (18 Jan 2011))

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