Placeholder Image

字幕表 動画を再生する

  • I'm Alexander Heffner, your host on The Open Mind.

  • Harvard Divinity School alum turned campaign

  • finance reform missionary- my guest today

  • is at the forefront of democracy and youth empowerment.

  • Co-founder of Run for America and

  • Chief Operating Officer of the Mayday PAC,

  • Szelena Gray advises this Super PAC to defeat

  • all Super PACs.

  • An extension of this campaign is the New Hampshire

  • Rebellion, a citizen movement against

  • big money corruption in the fiercely independent,

  • first in the nation primary state,

  • poised to restore integrity to a broken political system.

  • In her newer role, Szelena Gray is developing Run

  • for America's citizen powered movement to elect

  • a new breed of millennial politicians,

  • in the spirit of the nation's founders.

  • While Mayday's candidates did suffer some bruising

  • some defeats last cycle, 2016 presents a new opportunity.

  • So first let me ask, Szelena,

  • how are these organizations going to capitalize

  • on the profound frustration with American

  • democracy today.

  • GRAY: That is an excellent question.

  • We live in an era of untold spending on

  • elections and with that, I think,

  • new and creative opportunities for how to

  • combat that spending and the corruption that it breeds.

  • Mayday PAC is very much borne of that irony,

  • and is the brainchild - as you said - of somebody who

  • wants to exploit that irony for ending

  • that brutal system.

  • So I think as we look to 2016 and what Mayday PAC

  • and New Hampshire Rebellion and so many

  • other organizations in the democracy reform space

  • are trying to do, what we are seeing is a really

  • creative exploration of how we can use the

  • political toolkit that is what has bred the corrupt

  • system that we're in -- in a way that redefines it

  • and opens up new opportunities to fix it.

  • HEFFNER: Fix it.

  • So your mentor, Larry Lessig wrote recently

  • an op-ed in The New York Times.

  • "If the core problem is politicians beholden

  • to their funders, then giving Congress the power

  • to limit the amount spent or the amount contributed

  • would not resolve it..." And he identifies the

  • movement from Secretary of State Clinton and Senator

  • Sanders who add a Constitutional Amendment

  • that would add some restrictions to campaign financing.

  • "Regardless," he continues,

  • "...regardless of how much was spent,

  • the private funding of public campaigns,

  • even with limits would inevitably reproduce the

  • world we have now." GRAY: I think Mayday starts

  • from a very simple place, which is addressing

  • the issue of Congress.

  • And that is one, one of many pieces that

  • we have to think about.

  • But just starting with Mayday,

  • I think what Larry's getting at and I think

  • what we all understand is that there is a problem

  • in our government, we have to fix it.

  • We know that most Americans believe that

  • corruption is something that all members of

  • leadership and government need to address,

  • especially looking at 2016.

  • But we also know that Americans don't favor

  • reforms that require excess spending in a

  • system and in a political climate,

  • frankly, where that excess spending is already making

  • us all feel very nervous.

  • So it's easy for leaders at the Presidential,

  • Congressional, at any level,

  • to advocate for something like a Constitutional

  • remedy because that doesn't require thinking

  • through the legislative remedy.

  • It's hard to advocate for public financing,

  • which is really what we need,

  • um, and where Mayday starts.

  • So Mayday's mission is to clear a path to reform

  • in Congress by, um, encouraging members of

  • Congress both through our direct grassroots work

  • this year and through, um, making that work dovetail

  • into electioneering in the election years.

  • Um, encouraging members of Congress to support

  • one of a few different remedies that could

  • create a small-dollar public financing system.

  • And that is how Mayday seeks to address this problem.

  • But Larry is absolutely right that,

  • uh, no matter what, if we don't address the system

  • of public financing, if we don't advocate for small

  • dollars in our elections, no matter what,

  • there is no real solution to this problem.

  • HEFFNER: In terms of the corporate influence...

  • it's rigged in their favor now.

  • How did we get here?

  • GRAY: [LAUGHS]

  • HEFFNER: How, how do you think that we, that we got here?

  • GRAY: Campaign finance reform actually has a long

  • history in this country.

  • And forgoing the, the long,

  • long history and just going back to,

  • you know, 30 years ago, McCain-Feingold was really

  • in response to the soft money boom that started

  • in the '70s and 80's and 90's.

  • And when McCain-Feingold was passed as this remedy

  • to the increase in outside money,

  • um, it was thought actually to be the

  • solution that we needed.

  • Unfortunately it was not.

  • And as we all know, from 2002 to Citizens United,

  • the, uh, increase in outside spending,

  • um, and then the, the further impact that

  • Citizens United and then SpeechNow had on our

  • current system have only made things worse.

  • But as Larry says, the system was broken the day

  • before Citizens United.

  • The system remained broken after Citizens United.

  • The system was further broken after McCutcheon

  • and we sit today in a true conundrum where we have

  • many, many rulings and many,

  • many moments in history where things could have

  • gotten better and instead, the flood of money

  • has just increased.

  • HEFFNER: How does money operate the system now,

  • in your estimation?

  • GRAY: Sure.

  • I mean, there are a couple of ways to think about this.

  • You know, first and foremost and I think Larry

  • is great at describing this,

  • um, we have in this country two elections.

  • We have the money primary and then we have

  • the primary-primary, the real election.

  • And what that means is that if I'm a person

  • who is running for Congress or thinking about running

  • for Congress, the first question that I'm going to

  • ask myself or that any party person is going to

  • ask me is how much money can I raise?

  • And the real litmus test then for thinking about

  • who leadership is, and who is stepping up to

  • leadership is really this question of fundraising.

  • We also know, for instance,

  • thanks to many, many news reports on this fact,

  • that when people come into Congress and

  • as people are electioneering into Congress,

  • they are spending upwards of 70 percent

  • of their time fundraising.

  • So, leadership, as we think of it in government,

  • is really about fundraising leadership.

  • And leadership, as we think about it in terms

  • of running this country, um, isn't happening.

  • because members of Congress and elected

  • officials are spending most of their time,

  • unfortunately, dialing for dollars and not doing

  • the jobs that they were elected to do.

  • And now that is not to say that those members

  • of Congress are evil or terrible or awful,

  • um, but that they exist in a system where

  • the cost of entry, getting into Congress,

  • is getting higher and higher and higher.

  • And in order to keep up with that,

  • they have to keep fundraising and

  • fundraising and fundraising.

  • HEFFNER: Well you described the system here,

  • uh, in terms of forecasting what's going

  • to happen, Szelena.

  • Uh, "... in the name of giving my demographic,

  • this is younger women a voice in the 2016

  • election, an intricate and expensive campaign

  • apparatus will come to life at the hands of an

  • expert political class.

  • It will attempt to charm me with its understanding

  • of my burdens and my fears,

  • and it will stoop to scaring me with horrific

  • predictions for what could happen if I don't act

  • to support it." So this is a very personal take

  • on the exploitation, if you will, of the American voter.

  • GRAY: Mm-hmm.

  • HEFFNER: But the American voter doesn't see

  • it as exploitation.

  • They don't see the moneyed system as guaranteeing

  • that their interests are not served.

  • GRAY: I think very simply as we look into the next

  • election cycle, what we have to be aware of as

  • voters, as citizens, as people who hopefully care

  • about the future of this country,

  • is that the people who are running for office

  • are going to try to tell us over and over again

  • that they believe that our government needs fixing,

  • that they believe that we need reform.

  • Everybody from Lindsey Graham to Ted Cruz to

  • Chris Christie to Hillary Clinton are going to be

  • saying, I want to fix government.

  • I want to make this better.

  • HEFFNER: [LAUGHS]

  • GRAY: And what I think is very

  • important is that we realize that those are

  • very thin words, that without real commitment

  • to a system of small dollar public financing,

  • those are just words.

  • And I think as we know as a country,

  • we have been in this situation before.

  • We have had former Presidents commit to us

  • that they are going to fix this country.

  • We have had members of Congress and leaders on

  • all levels of government commit to us that

  • they see this problem as acutely as we do.

  • Maybe we don't all call it corruption

  • or campaign finance reform.

  • But we see the problem.

  • We have to be aware as voters that if they

  • do not commit to a real public financing option,

  • they are not actually admitting that they see

  • the problem and are committed to fixing it.

  • HEFFNER: So that's the problem.

  • And as you identified from the outset,

  • there was the great paradox of this effort

  • that is a Super PAC to end all Super PACs

  • as the LA Times reported on you.

  • GRAY: Sure.

  • HEFFNER: The- and, and that paradox,

  • I don't think, is hypocritical but it's,

  • it's as much as it is, uh, hard to resolve in

  • actually making progress...so if you'll bear

  • with me for a second, you have lobbyists,

  • you have mega-multi-billion dollar

  • corporations that would invest in individual campaigns.

  • GRAY: Mm-hmm.

  • HEFFNER: You have smaller donors whom you are

  • courting to support your campaign to ultimately

  • overtake the influence of the one percent,

  • if you will, of the, the vast preponderance

  • of campaign contributors.

  • But did you see, was there any incentive on the part

  • of the moneyed interest to help topple their peers.

  • GRAY: I mean, this was the beauty of Mayday PAC.

  • It wasn't just small dollar,

  • grassroots donations, in and of themselves.

  • It was small dollar donations matched

  • by big money, matched by wealthy people who

  • could otherwise use their money to buy influence directly

  • but instead bought into this idea of let's invest these

  • dollars to create a system whereby we could

  • all have a better voice.

  • So Mayday, for all of its successes and challenges,

  • um, succeeded at this one thing- bringing a new class

  • of donors into the political process.

  • And our first FEC report filing,

  • we, we noted internally that I think something

  • close to 49 percent of our contributors are people

  • who had never contributed before to a political

  • campaign, which is huge.

  • Especially in, in the campaign finance reform

  • movement as a whole which suffers from being

  • the most underfunded issue, uh,

  • reform issue in this country with I think

  • a total of 45 million dollars spent on it

  • annually as of maybe last year.

  • So, so yes, there are people,

  • I think, who are committed to changing the system,

  • who otherwise could use their wealth to just

  • extract its benefits.

  • And I think those people were the people who saw

  • the, the faith and the hope and the possibility

  • of Mayday PAC and other reform efforts.

  • HEFFNER: At the same time, in this cycle,

  • there are Super PACS that operate essentially

  • as campaigns.

  • So all of the money can be funneled into these

  • entities that really don't have any restrictions.

  • GRAY: Mm-hmm.

  • HEFFNER: Assuming there is no legal ground after

  • Citizens United to challenge the conduct of,

  • uh, Jeb Bush's Super PAC for example.

  • Is, are, are these, uh, Super PACs to

  • the American people operating as campaigns,

  • do the, do Americans realize that the Super

  • PACs in essence are now the campaigns.

  • GRAY: You know, I, I mean, I can't speak

  • for how Americans perceive Super PACs.

  • I know we all think of them as big, evil entities.

  • I know, I know I do.

  • The word Super PAC, is in and of itself,

  • a little threatening.

  • But I don't think that Americans have even come

  • to understand how much we are about to live in a

  • totally new political era.

  • Everything from Jeb Bush's candidacy being defined

  • by his Super PAC to, uh, the increasing outside

  • spending that we saw in 2012 that's steadily

  • increasing as we head into the next cycle.

  • To the fact that, you know,

  • every day, um, when I receive my news clips,

  • there's always news of a new Super PAC that's

  • formed and a new filing.

  • I think one of the interesting things

  • that is also happening at the same time that

  • we are seeing this explosion in outside money,

  • um, is that we're also seeing the FEC really

  • wrestling with how to deal with that in the wake

  • of not only Citizens United but also SpeechNow.

  • So I wouldn't say that there is no way to legally challenge.

  • I think that the rise of Super PACs is,

  • is an unknown beast for regulation.

  • And I actually am heartened to see that,

  • uh, right now for instance -- the FEC is taking this seriously.

  • They are pushing on Jeb Bush's practices- which in,

  • in my field, we think are a little sketchy.

  • Um, and thinking through whether or not this

  • increase in outside spending requires more

  • regulation than previously existed.

  • HEFFNER: You feel that the millennials,

  • uh, the potential aspirants that you're

  • courting to run to defeat the gridlock in

  • Washington, to make it a more functional place,

  • that they're going to tout a message of,

  • uh, not only being populist of the people,

  • raising certain funds, but they're going to tout

  • the message that in order to create a fair playing

  • field in a, in a campaign, each candidate has to

  • start from some footing where they essentially

  • not only have a platform, but have the means to be competitive.

  • GRAY: Run for America is a really exciting project

  • for me because it starts from a slightly different

  • place and ends up in the same place as Mayday PAC

  • and every other reform effort that I've been

  • involved in, which is this big question of

  • how do you re-inspire Americans to engage in democracy

  • and believe in its future.

  • But where Run for America starts,

  • uh, in a slightly different track,

  • is with this question of how do you find new leadership?

  • And through that new leadership,

  • inspire the imagination of people my age

  • and your age, that a new form of democracy could be brought

  • in, that the promise of our founding fathers

  • could actually one day be delivered.

  • So where Run for America starts is with finding,

  • recruiting, and then training those candidates

  • and then running their campaigns.

  • Whereas I think in, in the Mayday context,

  • it's a slightly different beast because we're

  • obviously not dealing with candidates directly.

  • But also, we are entering the problem from a,

  • a different track.

  • So where I think the, the Run for,

  • for America candidates are,

  • are very different and kind of exciting is

  • they're not thinking about this the way that

  • I think about this, from the perspective of,

  • well we have this broken system and there needs

  • to be a legislative remedy and it needs to solve

  • these three problems.

  • They're not in the weeds.

  • They're much more, I think,

  • where the American public is right now which

  • is this recognition that we have a government

  • that is stalled, that we have a government

  • that isn't working.

  • And we have a really beautiful dream of

  • democracy that hasn't been realized.

  • And, one of the most rewarding things,

  • Run for America's, of course,

  • a startup so we're only a few months in,

  • about where it is right now is getting to see

  • that vision for how we could transform things,

  • realized through the eyes of somebody who's never

  • before thought about running for office

  • and never really before thought about how it fix government.

  • HEFFNER: And therefore doesn't assume

  • that you have to be the biggest, baddest bully

  • in order to win.

  • GRAY: Exactly.

  • HEFFNER: And that I think is what I was getting at,

  • that candidates and their campaigns are operating

  • as corporations in the culture of,

  • you know, if you don't raise enough money,

  • you're not gonna survive.

  • GRAY: Right.

  • And we understand that in order to make these

  • candidates competitive in the races we hope

  • they will eventually run- and I should say

  • we don't actually have candidates yet.

  • We are still in the process of defining

  • who those will be.

  • But in order to make them competitive obviously

  • we need to enter into the arena with some ability

  • to compete, with some amount of funding.

  • But what is very exciting about where we're starting

  • from is we are not recruiting these

  • candidates on the basis of how much money they

  • can raise, which if they were being courted by parties,

  • would be the first question they were asked.

  • But instead on the question of ...

  • what is your history of leadership?

  • What have you done in your community?

  • Do you know how to problem-solve?

  • And if you think about becoming a member

  • of Congress as just a job, and a job description,

  • those are the key pieces of,

  • of qualifications and responsibilities that

  • we should really be looking for in our leadership.

  • HEFFNER: And there's other capital to be employed.

  • GRAY: Absolutely.

  • You know, and what's, what's also exciting

  • about Run for America and, and the way that it's trying

  • to disrupt and run a different kind of campaign

  • is that it's also seeking to take a lot of the

  • things that we learned over the last five,

  • ten years about how campaigns could be run

  • more efficiently and effectively,

  • everything from data driven campaigning to a

  • focus on new voter engagement and turn out

  • and it's thinking about how we could do that

  • in a way that perhaps brings down the cost of campaigns.

  • But we're not sure.

  • That's something we have to test.

  • But in a way that, that takes the emphasis off

  • of TV ads and broadcasting and instead puts it where

  • we all know elections need to be won- which

  • is in voter contact and real outreach.

  • HEFFNER: But do you think the millennials

  • are going to buy that?

  • When we're virtually online 24-7?

  • I mean, there's still a game that's being played

  • on Facebook and Twitter.

  • GRAY: Sure.

  • And we will play that game on Facebook and Twitter.

  • But it's not a game, really.

  • I mean, you know, voter contact to me begins

  • with social outreach.

  • It's, it's meeting people where they are.

  • And increasingly, people are not on the

  • other side of a television.

  • So it's realizing that if we want to engage

  • a new electorate.

  • If we want to get more than 36 percent

  • of Americans, which I think is the,

  • the number that voted last cycle to,

  • to really participate in our democracy,

  • we have to meet them where they actually exist.

  • And that is, matter of fact,

  • on Instagram, Twitter, Facebook and,

  • you know, face-to-face in rooms and across campuses

  • and in cities across the nation.

  • HEFFNER: Where possible, where,

  • where metrics are not... the ones that govern the future.

  • GRAY: [LAUGHS] Exactly.

  • HEFFNER: So in Run for America's mission

  • statement, uh, you want to reimagine politics,

  • reinvigorate government and restore the promise

  • of America for the 21st century.

  • GRAY: So when it comes to the Run for America

  • candidates, we want real solutions.

  • We want people who are not afraid to step up and say,

  • I see a problem and here's how I can act to fix it,

  • and I think that's something we do not see

  • enough of in Congress.

  • It's not something we see enough of at all in

  • politics - is people actually owning solutions

  • we know they can act on, rather than just calling

  • out big pie in the sky ideas.

  • HEFFNER: So are there any specific principles

  • that are going to unify these candidates?

  • GRAY: So that's also a very interesting concept

  • within Run for America.

  • We don't want to bring together candidates

  • and say, you know, a la the, the Newt Gingrich 1994

  • Republic takeover or, uh, the Grover Norquist tax pledge.

  • We don't want to bring them together and say,

  • Here's where you sign on the dotted line all

  • of your rights away as leaders.

  • We want to bring leaders together and say you are

  • some of the most innovative people across

  • this country and your solutions within your

  • communities are things that need to be elevated

  • to the national level, how can you solve some of

  • our biggest problems?

  • So, rather than us coming up with a policy platform

  • that we have these candidates sign on a

  • dotted line at some point, we want to bring them together.

  • And we want them to think through what are

  • the solutions to our, our nation's most pressing problems.

  • And of course, we have a sense,

  • from, from polling and frankly from just where,

  • where we are right now as a country of what

  • those problems are.

  • But I think it's really important that if we are,

  • if we are bringing in a new class of leadership,

  • we first and foremost give them the opportunity

  • to exercise that leadership and to define their own

  • values and principles and solutions for the era

  • of government that they are going to usher in.

  • HEFFNER: What's going to be a different in young

  • gun's caucus than what we've seen before from

  • the Blue Dogs or the Tea Party?

  • How can you differentiate between them in terms

  • of the clout that they're going to earn?

  • GRAY: I think entrepreneurialism.

  • I think there's a real spirit of innovation

  • that exists amongst our generation that I don't

  • want to say doesn't exist amongst other generations.

  • But, um, but that we have the ability to usher in,

  • as we bring new blood, new leadership,

  • new vision, new insight into Congress.

  • So, I wouldn't say this is exactly how they're

  • different from the Blue Dogs or this is exactly

  • how they're different from House Republicans

  • or Senate Republicans or even Tea Party Republicans

  • or Progressive Democrats.

  • But I will say, that, bottom line,

  • if we can bring in a group of individuals who

  • are committed to fierce problem solving,

  • to big picture thinking, to the spirit

  • of innovation that has created,

  • within our generation Facebook and Twitter

  • and Instagram and Airbnb and Uber.

  • Then we have the ability to think through some

  • of the solutions that we need in government

  • in a way that I think others are not thinking.

  • HEFFNER: Entrepreneurialism, um,

  • can be employed in the way that you're describing

  • in the private sector.

  • And I often wonder, why something as potentially

  • pro-social as Facebook or Twitter could

  • not have been molded as a non-profit.

  • And I've talked about this at this table with

  • Sue Gardner and other people in the tech world.

  • But won't that demand from the private entities that,

  • you know, are those players that supported

  • Mayday for example, some collaboration between

  • a new era of corporate leadership and a new era

  • of political leadership.

  • GRAY: Well not to get into the weeds too much about

  • Run for America's political strategy,

  • but one piece of it that is really important on

  • this point is our desire to engage a new electorate

  • -and to turn out new voters and races that

  • otherwise we don't think those voters

  • would be engaged.

  • HEFFNER: Beyond races though,

  • on an issue like immigration,

  • where Mark Zuckerberg and some of the other people

  • in the tech community have been outspoken...

  • GRAY: Mm-hmm.

  • HEFFNER: If they just made their position,

  • uh, a little bit more politically oriented

  • or a little bit, angled a little bit more in that

  • direction, uh, than Run for America could not just

  • be a good idea but pragmatically feasible,

  • don't you think?

  • GRAY: Well I would hope that Run for America is

  • pragmatically feasible.

  • HEFFNER: [LAUGHS]

  • GRAY: But, but beyond that, I,

  • I think what I'm trying to say in general is that obviously we are threading

  • a very challenging needle and there have been

  • others who came before us, FWD.us,

  • Mayday PAC even, who, who have attempted similar,

  • you know, high-risk, high-reward strategies

  • for re-thinking government and solutions to its problems.

  • But the engaging a new electorate piece of

  • Run for America is important because

  • what it means is that we are, we are attempting

  • to give these leaders a new reason to, to do their jobs.

  • And a new, um, a new class of people

  • to be responsible to.

  • And that's very different.

  • So if you think about a person who's elected on

  • the basis of how much money they can raise

  • and how effectively they can fundraise,

  • as opposed to a person who is elected because

  • they were, they were able to turn out an entirely new

  • class of voters, there is potentially a difference

  • who in that person is ultimately accountable to.

  • And therefore, to the kinds of solutions

  • that they would propose as they head in to that leadership position.

  • HEFFNER: I mentioned Zuckerberg,

  • and we're wrapping up now, because everyone

  • is reading what's trending and,

  • you know, I think that, the leverage that you

  • can have on an issue when you have the leaders behind

  • these, these platforms that are,

  • I know that retail politics is still the

  • bread and butter...

  • GRAY: Sure.

  • HEFFNER: ... where, where possible,

  • but do you, just very quickly,

  • do you see Zuckerberg or any of these other

  • tech figures coming out of the woodshed and,

  • and being more political in the future?

  • GRAY: I think so.

  • Though, I also think that as we are in a boom

  • of reform politics and people and innovators wanting

  • to invest in seeing government not necessarily

  • just as a block of a change,

  • but as an agent of change, there's also,

  • probably, a little bit of skepticism about the right

  • way to do that, the right way to support it.

  • And obviously, many of the people who come out

  • supporting different reforms and organizations

  • and change-making solutions have been

  • vilified or have been picked apart,

  • rightfully so, for mistakes,

  • for misinvestments, things like that.

  • So it's a tough climate to invest in reform.

  • At the same time, it is absolutely the moment

  • that it matters.

  • And I think what Run for America,

  • what Mayday, what New Hampshire Rebellion,

  • for instance does is it creates a really clear,

  • concrete opportunity to think about how impact

  • in a, in a small scale, how a leader from a small town

  • in Ohio could have a solution to a problem

  • that could be solved at the national level- that ...

  • that somebody within the realm of New Hampshire

  • independent politics, could have a way of

  • thinking about this issue, could push it to a level

  • that could have national impact.

  • And I think it's that kind of,

  • of solution scaling that we really desperately need

  • and that makes these projects so important

  • and relevant right now.

  • HEFFNER: Szelena, I'm sorry to say we've run out

  • of time but thank you so much for joining me today.

  • GRAY: Thank you for having me.

  • HEFFNER: And thanks to you in the audience.

  • I hope you join us again next time for a

  • thoughtful excursion into the world of ideas.

  • Until then, keep an open mind.

  • Please visit The Open Mind website at

  • Thirteen.org/openmind to view this program online

  • or to access over 1,500 other Open Mind interviews.

  • And do check us out on Twitter and Facebook

  • @OpenMindTV for updates on future programming.

I'm Alexander Heffner, your host on The Open Mind.

字幕と単語

ワンタップで英和辞典検索 単語をクリックすると、意味が表示されます

B1 中級

オープンマインド。お金のために、で、で - Szelena Gray (The Open Mind: Of, By, For the Money - Szelena Gray)

  • 111 2
    1p9c に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
動画の中の単語