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  • Let me just begin with a few programming notes

  • since this is actually being filmed for television.

  • Please don't be upset if the prime minister looks more at me than at you.

  • The conversation is going to be recorded

  • for, what we at CNN like to call hundreds of millions of people.

  • The second point, if you can just turn off your cell phones, BlackBerrys, iPhones,

  • whatever you may have.

  • There was an incident recently in the New York Philharmonic,

  • where a gentleman kept his new iPhone on

  • and the conductor stopped the concert midway through,

  • and waited till the iPhone was turned off.

  • I will not do that. I promise you I won't embarrass you,

  • but if you can just take a moment. -I'll turn mine off too.

  • Do you know Prime Minister, I once asked,

  • this was many years ago when the BlackBerry had just been invented,

  • I asked Richard Holbrook, I said have you ever tried these, they are amazing,

  • they can keep all your contacts, all your calendars

  • and he said, I have something much better than this.

  • I said what? And he said, it's called staff.

  • I assumed that you had the same, so I assumed you didnג€™t have one.

  • All right, so we'll start.

  • It is a great pleasure to have with us Lee Hsien-Loong, the Prime Minister of Singapore.

  • Welcome Prime Minister. -Hello.

  • You have always been a very careful watcher of the Chinese economy,

  • so I want to start by asking you, one of the great concerns people have,

  • looking out this year, is that the Chinese economy is going to slow down,

  • that it has built in certain excesses, that in order to get out of the financial crisis

  • the government over-spent, over-lent and that these excesses

  • are now going to bring some kind of a tough landing if not a hard landing in China,

  • what do you think?

  • I'm an optimist on this fundamentally.

  • I can't say that they'll be no bumps in the short-term,

  • but I think in the long-term the trend will be up. They've built a lot of infrastructure,

  • they have built a lot of capacity in many industries, autos,

  • some of electronic industries, but it's an economy which is growing very rapidly,

  • urbanizing very rapidly, needing a lot of facilities whether it's roads, hospitals,

  • schools, houses, by the millions, and every year one percent of the population

  • is moving into cities, which means 13 million people needing all this infrastructure.

  • So I think that there may be a rough landing, but they will get through it.

  • Do you get the sense that they are trying to shift from a model that is more oriented

  • towards exports to one where their own consumers spend more money and if so,

  • are they taking the measures needed to raise consumption in China?

  • I think they get it. They saw what happened to their exports in '08-'09,

  • when there was a global crisis and the exports plummeted.

  • They saw how vulnerable they were then and the mantra

  • that they must stimulate domestic demand is quite pervasive.

  • I'm not sure whether they've taken all the measures they need to do, that which has to do

  • with restructuring their social safety nets so people have confidence to spend.

  • It has to do with restructuring and tidying up their state own enterprises,

  • so that the profits are distributed and properly utilized.

  • Has to do with having the right balance between investment,

  • which they've done a lot of and consumption, which is a different thing,

  • which you have to have quite fundamental changes in order to cause happen.

  • So this will be work for the years to come.

  • And for the next leadership in China,

  • You have probably met many of these people, what do you think of this new generation

  • and do you think that we can see some bold new moves that people have long been predicting

  • or hoping for in China, either economic or even political?

  • The prospects of political change in China have been dangled before everybody

  • by people like premier Wen Jiabao.

  • I think there will be continuity between the present generation of leaders and the next.

  • Similar molds, the next generation came of age during the cultural revolution

  • some were sent down.

  • Some of them belong to the first vintage year of the university intake.

  • After universities re-opened when the cultural revolution ended.

  • In 1975, right?

  • '77, something around that. So very capable people, but I think they will be cautious,

  • I think it will be a collective leadership, rather than any single dominant personality,

  • which means that they will act cautiously.

  • They will need some time to find their feet, but I hope that they will address the problems

  • which some of which have been put off for over the last couple of years,

  • which are not easy to solve, they are both economic ones as well as political ones

  • and the present leadership, Hu Jintao, for example, has acknowledged these issues

  • and when they celebrated the 90th anniversary of the party last year,

  • he listed fundamental problems, including moral lassitude, including corruption,

  • including disconnect from the people

  • which really goes to the heart of the Communist Party to govern in China.

  • So they know these problems, they need to find the solutions.

  • But do you think the Communist Party can engage in serious political reform

  • without threatening its monopoly on power?

  • We will try very hard, nobody can say that they will succeed.

  • It's a society which is changing just like every other society in the world,

  • it's opening up. It's not a monolithic society at all.

  • The internet is pervasive. I think they have 400 million internet users or something,

  • more than America has.

  • It's a very diverse society. They speak up and when there public incidents now

  • you get mobilization rapidly and angst and unhappiness expressed,

  • even by people in the establishment, even the television news viewer shows her disapproval

  • of what she is reading. So that's a new world.

  • Let's talk about the other super power in the Pacific, the United States.

  • The United States went through a flurry of diplomatic activity,

  • political activity over the last three months.

  • The East Asia Summit , ASEAN, the proposal for this new trade area.

  • The Trans-Pacific Partnership.

  • The Trans-Pacific Partnership, and a kind of military cooperation arrangement

  • that could be described as a military base in Australia.

  • Now, the Philippines are talking about perhaps having American troops back.

  • Do you think these moves are stabilizing the Asia-Pacific region?

  • We fundamentally think its good that America is interested in Asia

  • and in the Asia-Pacific region.

  • And their presence since the Second World War tremendous benign influence.

  • It's generated peace, stability, predictability and enable other countries

  • to prosper, including China and I think it's good that America

  • continues to take a close interest in the region, not just on security issues,

  • but also economic issues and cultural and on a broad range of areas.

  • But it cannot be for a few months at a time in a spasmodic style.

  • It has to be sustained over a long period of time, really over many administrations

  • and decades and America has got many preoccupations around the world,

  • so we hope on your busy plate Asia doesn't fall off the edge.

  • But we are naturally very happy that President Obama and Hillary Clinton have made the effort

  • and have put Asia quite high on the agenda. We hope it will be sustained.

  • Is there any prospect of American troops in Singapore?

  • We actually host facilities in Singapore and American ships and aircrafts

  • stop by from time to time and use those facilities.

  • That's different from having a naval base.

  • And a naval base would be a bridge too far?

  • A naval base would be twice as big as Singapore. It can't be done.

  • You've reclaimed lots of land to build casinos,

  • you could probably build a naval base.

  • But let me ask you about the Chinese reaction.

  • The Chinese reaction to this same flurry of diplomacy and these new agreements

  • has been somewhat cautious and in some cases hostile.

  • Their official position is that they are very happy to have more members

  • join the East Asia Summit and America is welcome to join and Russia is welcome to join

  • and Europe is welcome to join as well and the more the merrier.

  • That's the official position.

  • The private position probably is a weariness, they are watching,

  • they think that there will be people in America who are not quite happy

  • that China is prospering and would like to hinder that process.

  • And they will not want to let those people succeed.

  • So I think that there is cooperation, but there is also watchfulness on both sides.

  • Do you think that Barack Obama has pursued a successful foreign policy

  • in the part of the world you care about?

  • I think he has put a lot of attention on it and the outcome has been constructive.

  • These are issues which need long-term management,

  • and the most important item to be managed is America's relationship with China

  • and it hasn't come to blows, although there has been tension and that's a positive.

  • Do you worry about the rise of protectionism?

  • If you listen to the United States, President Obama's state of the union,

  • he had a few tough things to say about China,

  • but if you listen to Mitt Romney, who until yesterday was the punitive republican nominee,

  • he has some very tough things to say about China,

  • particularly unusual coming from a republican.

  • Does listening to all that for a place like Singapore,

  • which so depends on free trade, scare you?

  • Some of it is election year rhetoric in America,

  • but I think the general mood in America on free trade has been negative for some time

  • because of uncertainties brought on by globalization,

  • because workers haven't seen an upside in terms of their wages,

  • they're worried that their jobs are insecure and they could get retrenched

  • because industries may move off-shore and jobs are not being created in America

  • in the same way in a very large scale as they used to.

  • When you make an Apple I-phone for example,

  • the pieces come from all over the world, they are not made in America.

  • So that's an underlying mood which worries us and which,

  • I think, constrains the administration when it comes to free trade

  • and one of the reasons why we are not getting anywhere with the Doha Round under the WTO.

  • It's perhaps also the reason why the administration

  • has decided to proceed on this Trans-Pacific Partnership

  • as the one significant trade initiative.

  • We hope they persevere and they don't take too hard a line

  • and are able to come up with a constructive outcome.

  • When you look at the outlook for the next few years,

  • do you feel that you will be able to continue to grow and prosper in a booming Asia?

  • What keeps you up at night?

  • Well, I think Asia will boom. There will be ups and downs.

  • We will be affected by Europe, if Europe goes bump in the night,

  • but if it doesn't, well there's a certain momentum and the countries in China,

  • in India, in South-East Asia, which will help to carry us forward.

  • What worries us in Singapore is not that the world will not prosper,

  • in the ups and downs of the world, a small boat like Singapore with not very much room

  • to maneuver, can you make sure that every time you catch a wave head on

  • and you are not flipped over. Because once we are flipped over that's it.

  • When you look at the American debate, one of the things that is often talked about

  • is this issue of out-sourcing, moving factories off-shore,

  • and if you look through the specifics, you often find companies

  • that are trying to figure out where to locate and Asian governments will often offer

  • very rich inducements to these companies to move their factories to Asia

  • including the Singapore government.

  • So do American State governments.

  • So you think you're just playing the same game that Americans...

  • We are trying not to play the same game. My attitude is,

  • I am prepared to forgive you taxes if you come,

  • but I won't give you money if you lose money.

  • So I'm prepared, if you have powerful, if you are in such great demand,

  • I may not be able to levy my full pound of flesh on you,

  • but I see no reason why I should give you money to come to Singapore,

  • through some grant or subsidy or some other scheme

  • when in fact you're not creating economic value for Singapore.

  • What would you advise...

  • So some projects we'd like to have, but we have decided how generous we are able to be

  • and they've gone elsewhere and our people pursuing investments,

  • the Economic Development Board, are sometimes disappointed,

  • but I think there has to be a limit otherwise you are taken to the cleaners.

  • What would you advise President Obama, if he's trying to revive manufacturing.

  • One of the things Asian countries have done very successfully

  • has been to adopt industrial policies where the state in some way or the other

  • provides help, incentives, tax subsidies of various kinds to industries,

  • and has been quite successful.

  • Should America have a more kind of nationally planned industrial policy?

  • No, I don't think I would describe it as industrial policy.

  • I would describe it as investing in the preconditions

  • to enable a wide range of industries to develop, take root

  • and some of them to prosper.

  • So invest in education. Invest in infrastructure.

  • Invest in building up a financial system,

  • which can support your manufacturing activities.

  • Make sure your government is clean and efficient and forward looking

  • so that you anticipate the next bump in the road and smooth the road for your industries.

  • Then the industries will prosper, but you need to have hard working people,

  • well trained people, disciplined people, unions who understand what this is about

  • and will work with employers to bring this about.

  • And that is a work of several administrations.

  • The World Economic Form has this list of global risks

  • and I was struck by the fact that the number one risk on its list is rising inequality

  • and it's happening of course in the United States where there's this big debate...

  • All over the world.

  • But it is happening everywhere and I was wondering

  • if you would reflect on what it means and what you can do about it

  • because you yourself have had to deal with this in Singapore

  • where you have this long tradition of paying public servants very well,

  • which is why you have one of the lowest level of corruption in the world.

  • It's one of the reasons.

  • But one of the things that you have had to do was in response to some public outcry

  • you've had to cut the salaries of public sector employees including your own.

  • No, no, only of the ministers not of the civil servants.

  • So why did you do it?

  • Well, it became an issue during the elections.

  • There are reasons for needing to pay people well, pay people properly are well established,

  • because you must pay commensurate with the responsibility of the job,

  • and commensurate with the quality of the person you are looking for to do that job.

  • And the job is vital because you make a wrong decision

  • it's billions of dollars and you put the wrong man in, that's a disaster.

  • And anybody who comes in must make a calculation,

  • must think what are the financial implications, not just for him,

  • but for his wife and children or spouse and children.

  • But when you are talking about salaries which are million dollars or two million dollars,

  • to the man in the street earning a few thousand dollars a month,

  • it's an incomprehensible sum.

  • I mean it's defensible, but he cannot wrap his mind around it.

  • So it became an issue in the elections and after the elections,

  • I appointed a committee to review it and look at it dispassionately

  • and they decided that the principles were sound, you have to pay competitively,

  • but they recommended a different bench mark

  • and a different number and we've accepted that.

  • I don't think it will be the last word on the matter,

  • but it is a very difficult issue because it is important

  • to get the right quality of people into government.

  • What do you do about inequality in Singapore?

  • You have your top people are world class, they make millions and millions of dollars.

  • At the bottom, your workers are facing pressures from India, China...

  • It is a problem like it is in India and China, like it is in every other country.

  • First of all, we make sure that everybody gets a very good education.

  • So no matter which school you go to, you get a first class education

  • and if you are bright and able, you have every chance of rising all the way to the top.

  • Never mind what your background is.

  • Secondly, through our HOW public housing program, through our other public subsidies,

  • particularly on health care and education,

  • we make sure that everybody starts with some chips in life.

  • We don't start zero, down and out.

  • So if you are poor in Singapore, it's no fun, but I think you are less badly off

  • than if you are poor nearly anywhere else in the world, including in the United States.

  • Thirdly, I think that we have to encourage people to try their best,

  • to not be satisfied with where they are, but to upgrade themselves,

  • not just in school or while studying, but all their lives,

  • because you may be 30, 40 years old, but unless you can keep current,

  • and unless you can keep on doing something new and something which others can't do,

  • it's going to be difficult to sustain a standard of living which is going up

  • year by year.

  • But on top of the self-reliance message,

  • there also has to be a certain amount of social equality and redistribution.

  • Redistribution in ways which do not encourage people to become dependent,

  • reliant on the state and to give up trying. And we've been trying different ways.

  • One of the things which we have done is a workfare scheme.

  • It's like what you call Earn Income Tax Credit in America.

  • In other words, if you work and your income is low, you get a top off from the government,

  • a certain percentage. Some goes in cash,

  • some goes into your pension fund to pay for your future retirement,

  • and so the more you work, the more you get and I think we need more schemes like that.

  • Explain to us what happened in the last Singapore elections,

  • because this is a country which has had enormous rise in standard of living,

  • and yet there was, you know, you yourself called it a water shed,

  • the government got a historically low percent.

  • The reason I ask, is that many people from the outside look and say,

  • the problem is the political system is too closed, you need to open up more.

  • You need more political openness and competition.

  • Well if only it was so simple. I think, no society is static. Every society changes.

  • The population changes, new generations have new experiences, new aspirations.

  • And in an earlier stage, the economy grew very rapidly and very evenly

  • and everybody could see in five years your salary incomes would go up 20, 30%

  • effortlessly almost. Now, it's lower and it's less even and in the last five years

  • before the elections, we went through a global crisis,

  • we came out better than many other countries, but nevertheless it was a bumpy ride

  • for quite a number of Singaporeans. And I think that calls and the rapid changes

  • in our society as well as around us, cause a certain unease and disquiet

  • among some segments of the population and it showed in the votes.

  • Social media played a part, global mood of dissatisfaction with the status-quo,

  • I think had some part to play. We are part of an interconnected world

  • and you look at the way the occupied movements went all around the world.

  • We didn't have much of an occupied movement in Singapore,

  • but we are not immune from these currents.

  • Do you expect there would be significant political reform

  • in the next five years in Singapore?

  • I think that the situation will continue to change. We have to find our own way forward.

  • It's not so simple as to say if we had more political parties

  • we would have a perfectly functioning government. You need more openness,

  • you need more engagement. At the same time you need people

  • to pay a lot more attention to what's happening in their lives and to think about

  • what is happening to their country and to us collectively as Singaporeans,

  • and that calls for effort on both parts, on the population as well as on the government.

  • We are in a new situation and you must govern in a new way.

  • You cannot do it the old style nor can you do it just by going with the tide.

  • You have to find a direction and do the best you can, to try and maintain that direction,

  • however you're buffeted.

  • But you say things will change and you also said something similar about China,

  • that China is changing, the political system will have to adapt, but what does that mean?

  • If you look at China over the last 20 years there is a tremendous change.

  • You may think that it's a continuity because it's still a Communist party in charge,

  • but the way the people think, the way the people are informed about the world,

  • the way they discuss issues and the way they have to accommodate interest groups

  • when they make decisions, the way the people travel and know what's happening.

  • I think today's China is very different from China 20 years ago.

  • Today's Singapore is very different from Singapore 10 years ago

  • and I'm sure in 10 years time it will be different again.

  • Do you think China will be trusted as the dominant power in Asia?

  • If you look at the last year, where China made these pushes in the South China Sea,

  • with Japan episode with the ships, it seemed like it provoked a very strong backlash in Asia.

  • Well, every super power or big country has to be looked on

  • with a certain careful respect by others not quite so huge. Even the United States,

  • but the United States after 60+ years in the Pacific since the war is still welcomed

  • and is still considered benign.

  • And that's really a good example for the Chinese to seek to emulate.

  • Do you think that the forces within China that are for that kind of a conciliatory approach

  • versus more hard line approach are gaining or losing strength right now?

  • I think the generation which saw the war,

  • the generation which experienced the cultural revolution will know the limits

  • and will understand that the priorities to make sure that China is well internally

  • and not to push a weight around externally.

  • The generation which grew up as China was prospering and rising

  • and is proud of so many things, fast trains, Olympic games, cosmonauts or astronauts

  • or taikonauts and so many achievements, whether they have the same balance

  • and perspective is the $64,000 question.

  • Let me close by asking you a couple of questions that are slightly more personal.

  • You are the son of a Prime Minister and the son of really the founder of your nation,

  • what is it like to follow in his footsteps. I realize it was not an immediate succession,

  • but still what is it like to have that legacy or shadow?

  • Well I don't know, I've never not had it. It's tough enough, but you get to live with it.

  • Well, I've had the honor of meeting your father many, many times.

  • He's been on this program several times, he would strike me as an extraordinary leader,

  • he would be a tough dad. Was he somebody who was a strict disciplinarian?

  • Well, he had expectations, but he left me to do my own thing

  • and he didn't push me into this and neither would it have worked had he done so.

  • I mean I had to make up my mind whether I wanted to go this way or not.

  • My siblings didn't decide to go this way, I did.

  • Do you think your children are likely to go into politics?

  • They will have to decide, but if you ask me now, I think the odds are not on it.

  • It's a different generation. It's a new world, there are so many opportunities,

  • opportunities in Singapore, opportunities abroad.

  • For the talented, the whole world is an oyster.

  • If you are in an Ivy League university, in your first year,

  • you are already talent spotted. In your first vacation, you're already offered internships.

  • After your internship, you're offered more or less, here you are,

  • when you graduate, please call this telephone number and if you are working in Wall Street

  • or in Silicon Valley or in other startups, you feel like you are the cats' whiskers,

  • because ice cream any time of the day is the least of the perks.

  • They need talent, they treat talent well and Singaporeans have been well-educated

  • and completely comfortable in this world, going in significant numbers

  • in these directions.

  • We have many students studying in America, in the best institutions.

  • We have many students in Oxbridge, some on the continent

  • and I'm sure many of them will be tempted by these opportunities.

  • And it is a great challenge for Singapore,

  • in this situation to make sure that enough decide that despite this,

  • we will be in Singapore and we will make this system work.

  • And with your children, do you still maintain the high expectations?

  • They have to find their own path in life.

  • Prime Minister, pleasure. Thank you so much.

  • Thank you very much.

Let me just begin with a few programming notes

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ダボス会議2012 - 李賢隆 - 東アジアの展望 (Davos 2012 - Lee Hsien-Loong - The Outlook for East Asia)

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    侑誠 に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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