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From the U.S.-China trade war,
a controversial security law in Hong Kong,
building in the South China Sea,
to China's global infrastructure projects,
there is undeniably a Cold War-like battle
for influence on all fronts.
And that includes space.
We're in a space race today,
just as we were in the 1960s
and the stakes are even higher.
Although China hasn't come close
to achieving what the U.S. has, they're catching up.
Since 2018, China has launched more rockets into orbit
than any other country.
In 2019, they became the first to land a rover
on the far side of the moon.
And in 2020, China released the last satellite
in their global navigation satellite system,
called Beidou, China's answer to the U.S.-made GPS.
Like China's big infrastructure projects here on Earth,
their goals are to get a foothold in space technology
that will drive profit,
make them independent from U.S. technology,
get an upper hand in military operations
and show superiority on the world stage.
With Joe Biden in the White House,
experts think space spending could slow,
although the Democratic Party has stated
that it will continue the goal
of sending Americans back to the moon and beyond to Mars.
We are launching humans to the moon
for the first time since 1972.
And that might not be a bad thing.
While a Cold War scenario
has dangerous political and economic implications,
a race to the cosmos, like any good rivalry,
could be a huge benefit for space and other industries.
If you think that the U.S.-China competition
is going to be not just a clash of strategies,
but a clash of systems,
it's going to be a contest over whether
American-style liberal democracy
or Chinese-style authoritarian capitalism
is best suited to the demands of the 21st century,
then it's entirely possible
that you could see the United States
make investments in infrastructure and education
and technological innovation
and basic research
that it wouldn't otherwise make
as a result of that competition.
In 1957, the Soviet Union shocked the world
by putting the first ever satellite into space, Sputnik 1.
There is real military significance to these launchings.
The satellite's unanticipated success
brought on the American Sputnik crisis,
a period of public fear and anxiety
in Western nations about the perceived
technological gap between the United States
and Soviet Union.
And so the National Defense Education Act of 1957
is passed in response to Sputnik.
And it includes major investments
in a variety of intellectual pursuits
that were considered critical to staying ahead
in the Cold War.
And so the rise of entire industries like aerospace,
the rise of entire regions like Silicon Valley
or Orange County, semiconductors, the Internet,
a variety of other things that we associate
with the rise of the information age,
were originally conceived
as part of the military industrial complex
in the 1950s and 1960s.
And let me say that our scientists and engineers,
in offering their services to the government in this field,
have been generous, patriotic and prompt.
And nowhere was government spending
more apparent and highly publicized
as the space race of the time.
In the Eisenhower years and then Kennedy years,
the U.S. started pouring money into the space program.
By, I think mid-1960s, the U.S. was spending about
4% of its total budget on space.
It was the largest percentage of the budget
spent on space in American history.
And the intense rivalry allowed
for some of the biggest accomplishments
humanity has ever seen.
Including the first living animal to enter space by Russia.
The first man to enter space by Russia.
And the first probe to land on the moon, also Russia.
And so that led to a huge surge in U.S. spending
on the space program,
which culminated in 1969 with Neil Armstrong
and Buzz Aldrin stepping on the moon.
The moon landing is considered
a conclusion to the space race.
And as U.S.-Soviet relations improved, space spending waned.
I think that one of the reasons that the U.S.
has not been as focused on space
is because the end of the Cold War.
Since the Apollo program,
the NASA budget has hovered around 0.5% to 1%.
But in the last few decades,
the world has seen the rise of a new power, China.
While governed by an authoritarian regime
like the USSR was,
China also has far more economic strength
and greater resources than the Soviet Union ever did.
And that worries the U.S.
The president has already signed into law
the largest NASA budget
since the days of the Apollo program.
There is very much an ideological challenge.
It's sort of a contest over which sort of system,
democracy or authoritarian capitalism,
will win the day in the 21st century.
And I think what American officials
fear is that the Chinese will not be content
to have second-tier status in a world
that is led by the United States and its allies.
But space isn't simply a show
of technological strength like it was during the Cold War.
The space industry is now worth
an estimated $345 billion.
With technology that we use every day
depending on it, like GPS.
China started launching an alternative
to the American system, called Beidou in 2000.
The recently completed version
is 20 centimeters more accurate than GPS
by some estimates.
China's Beidou space program
brings prestige and practical benefits,
the prestige from announcing their arrival
as a power in space similar to the prestige which the US
achieved from its first moon landing.
The practical benefits, both military and commercial.
If you wanna target a missile or a fast-food delivery,
you need a GPS system.
With its Beidou system,
China has its own GPS capability in place.
And so independence from U.S. influence
on that key part of infrastructure
in the information economy.
China even opened up
the private space industry in 2014
in the hope of encouraging competitors
to the U.S. private space industry.
iSpace was the first private company in China
to successfully launch a rocket and satellite
into orbit in 2019.
And a company called Galaxy Space
plans to launch 650 low-Earth orbit satellites
similar to SpaceX's Starlink,
which will give better, faster internet access
to people all over the world.
But it's not all about business.
I think that for President Xi Jinping,
this Chinese space program is hugely important,
not just for all the practical applications
but also just for prestige.
It's important for President Xi to show that
China is a superpower.
Superpowers have space programs.
China will have to prove
that they can perform the kind of missions
NASA has done and possibly go even further.
Like China's recent moon rover, Chang'e-4.
Although it was the third country
to land a rover on the moon,
it was the first to land on the far side of the moon.
And China's recently launched Mars rover isn't the first,
but it's the first orbiter lander rover all in one mission.
China even has a Voyager-like mission
in its initial planning stages
that will do a flyby of Neptune
and then out to explore interstellar space.
But more importantly, China will build
its own space station,
which will serve as an essential tool
for tests and research in space
and offer an alternative to the International Space Station.
When it comes to innovation,
China will have some advantages
when it comes to directing the entire resources
of a state or the entire resources of a society
toward some particular technological challenge,
AI, for instance.
But the cost of that is there is less of an open
economic and intellectual ecosystem in China
than there is in the United States.
There's more inherent dynamism in a society
where you have truly open information flows
and where innovation is as much
a bottom-up, as it is a top-down phenomenon.
And so that's not to say that the United States
is destined to win the race for AI or 5G
or any other technology.
I think there's real danger in a lot of these fields.
But if the United States puts forth the energy
and puts forth the investment that's necessary
in these areas, there's no inherent reason
that it can't succeed because it is a democracy.
And there are signs
that China's space program is stumbling.
In 2020, a long march 5B rocket scattered debris
over Cote d'Ivoire, after an uncontrolled
re-entry of the rocket's core stage.
This was the largest botch of its kind in years.
So the worry is that China is just not that transparent
when it comes to this sort of thing.
So, was this just a one-off?
Was this just something went wrong,
or is this just an example
of what might be happening going forward?
The competition may prove to be too much.
China is up against not only a space program
with a long and decorated history.
But one with more ambitious missions than ever before.
The U.S. is now trying to beat China back to the moon
to build a lunar base, harvest resources
and then use it as a stepping stone to get to Mars.
This time when we go to the moon,
we're gonna go to stay with a purpose
of learning how to live and work on another world
so we can take that knowledge and information to Mars.
I think that the sense of urgency
that we're hearing from the Trump administration
about the need to accelerate the Artemis program
to get to the moon by 2024,
I think part of that
is because of the perceived threat from China.
So in that sense, I think that having China as
a more serious player in space
could potentially be good for NASA,
good for the American space program.
Other NASA projects include a Mars mission
equipped with a mini helicopter
to fly on the surface of the red planet,
another mini helicopter mission planned for Titan,
Saturn's largest moon,
and the launch of the James Webb Space Telescope,
an upgrade to the Hubble Space Telescope
whose photographs changed our understanding
of the universe as we know it.
The ambitions of China and the U.S.
may depend on how long their rivalry continues.
If history is any lesson, the bigger the rivalry,
the further the two space superpowers
are likely to push themselves.
The overall goal with China's space program,
I think, is to match the United States.
China does not want to be subordinate to the U.S. on Earth
and doesn't want to be subordinate to the U.S. in space.
Right now, the plan is to try to narrow the gap.
And so if you are looking at this
from an American strategic perspective,
the concern would be that China may have a jump
in the areas of high-tech innovation
that will be most important
in terms of powering innovation and productivity
during the 21st century.
And that can perhaps be turned into advantages
on the battlefield.
I should say that the jury is really still out
in terms of how effective China will be
at mastering innovation in these areas.
But if China continues to lack
the open informational ecosystem
that we've typically associated
with success and innovation,
there may still be significant obstacles
to maintaining the dynamism needed
to spur innovation over the long run.