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  • I said in my opening speech.

  • There's a stir in the land.

  • There's a mood of uneasiness.

  • We feel adrift in it in an uncharted and stormy sea.

  • We feel we've lost our way, I say.

  • I say I used those words in launching my campaign for the presidency of the United States and their words of great sorrow for nothing is more tragic and to speak of drift and decay in your own native land.

  • Why do we see wave after wave of crime in our streets and in our homes?

  • Why do we see riot and disorder in our cities?

  • A breakdown of the morals of our young people, an alarming rise in juvenile delinquency and increasing flood of obscene literature, corruption around our highest offices, erosion of the honor and dignity of our nation and of the individuals who compose it.

  • Now you and I know the tragic answer to these questions, and the answer is that the moral fiber of the American people is beset by rock and decay, and the most tragic thing of all is that this decay has made its most violent attack upon our young people.

  • Just listen for example, what J Edgar Hoover, a very faithful and impartial servant of the people, had to see about the recent wave of rioting.

  • And I read.

  • While adult troublemakers often incited the riots, the mob violence was dominated by the ex of youths ranging in age up to the middle twenties.

  • They were variously characterized by responsible people as school dropouts, young punks, common hoodlums and drunken kids.

  • Rioting by these young people reflects an increasing breakdown across the nation in respect for the law and the rights of other people to be secure in their person and their property.

  • And that's what Mr Hoover said about it.

  • And in the same report, Mr Hoover points out that juvenile arrests for serious crimes have been rising three times as fast as a juvenile population.

  • In fact, crime as a whole is rising five times faster than the population growth.

  • Now, just stop and think with me a moment about what a serious thing is happening in this land of ours.

  • You and I know that the elders of every generation always shake their heads and wonder what's becoming of the younger generation.

  • I know my parents did, and I have to admit not always without reason, but is that all there is to it now?

  • Are we just watching the normal pranks and rebellion of you coming of age?

  • Well, I might say that's the easy answer to give.

  • It's certainly the comforting answer, and some Americans may be reassuring themselves tonight by saying it.

  • But deep down in the depth of our hearts, you and I know this is not the answer we know something much more fundamental is at work something basic.

  • Something dangerous is eating away at the morality, the dignity and respect of our citizens, old as well as young, high as well as low.

  • And that brings me to the question I want you to ponder tonight along with me, my fellow Americans.

  • Is this the time in our nation's history for our federal government to ban all mighty God from our school rooms?

  • I remind you that for almost nine score years in the life of our country, Children regularly said prayers in the public schools of states permitting it, and nobody in authority said it was against the Constitution to open or close the school day with a prayer that Children of all faiths could join in offering if they wish to.

  • Nobody said it was unconstitutional for a child to say grace for his fellow pupils before a meal.

  • Yet two years ago, the Supreme Court struck down this tradition.

  • Long honored in practice, the justices ruled that it was contrary to the First Amendment of the Constitution and mind you, the session in which this ruling was handed down was opened, as all sessions are by the bailiffs.

  • Invocation, God save the United States and this honorable court.

  • Millions of Americans have sense expressed disapproval of this federal banning of worship in public schools.

  • Several proposed amendments to the constitution permitting prayers and schools have been drafted, and I am a co sponsor of one of those.

  • I don't wish to discuss the merits of various draft amendments.

  • My purpose tonight, if you will permit me, is much broader.

  • I want instead to examine with you the basic issue of worship in our public schools.

  • Ours is both a religious and a free people.

  • Over years passed, we have encountered no difficulty in absorbing that religious character into our state institutions, while at the same time preserving religious liberty and separation of church and state.

  • It was Alexis de Toqueville, that uncanny commentator on American life who observed over a century ago.

  • Religion in America takes no direct part in the government of society, but it must nevertheless be regarded as the foremost of the political institutions of that country.

  • And I might remind you in that respect of a very simple truth, one that we are prone to forget that we, as a people for the first time in man's history, in man's long search for freedom, recognize that freedom was an endowment of our creator.

  • And we said so in our declaration of independence.

  • We are a religious people.

  • We are a strongly spiritual people or we have been.

  • And because of this and this only we have become a great material people.

  • And the danger I sense tonight and today is that too many Americans look upon the measure of greatness and the test of freedom in a material way.

  • How many cars do we have?

  • Let's see average income, what's the gross national product?

  • And I think it's time in America that we remember the simple, wonderful, beautiful things about our government before we've gone too far in the other direction I was speaking.

  • These simple truth shines forth and almost every page of our founding documents in the opening and closing sentences of our Declaration of Independence, and it shone forth on the very day when Congress passed the First Amendment to the Constitution.

  • On that occasion, both houses call jointly upon the president to proclaim a day of public Thanksgiving and prayer.

  • And I quote for the many signal the favors of Almighty God.

  • The coin and the currency we carry in our pockets are constant reminders of our nation's trust in God.

  • Our Pledge of Allegiance, the oath we subscribe to in court both are testaments to that faith and trust.

  • I am opposed.

  • General Eisenhower has recently said to any effort to eliminate mention of God in governmental institutions and practices.

  • Our form of government rests upon a religious faith, and scores and scores of prominent Americans have signified agreement with these sentiments.

  • The National Governors Conference has twice recorded its approval of a prayer amendment both times by overwhelming majorities.

  • Seven governors of our states from both political parties are members of the board of the Constitutional Prayer Foundation.

  • Six other governors list themselves as official supporters of this nonsectarian and nonpartisan organization dedicated to passage and ratification of a prayer amendment.

  • Other distinguished clergyman, Lehman and governmental officials hold the same post.

  • The legislatures of eight states has supported some form of prayer amendment.

  • So of the American Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the United States Junior Chamber of Commerce, the National Conference of Catholic Youth and the National Association of Evans Vengeance Jellicles can't get that word out.

  • Many, many congressmen from both parties report massive support for a prayer amendment by their constituents.

  • And in brief, there is clearly a deep and widespread public interest, nonpartisan and non sectarian in nature, in rectifying the Supreme Court's decision through the amendment process.

  • But the disturbing thing to me, even though we recognize that time has surely come for Congress to put the question to the test, well, look, Congress, pass it because there's an amazing and disturbing amount of activity opposed to the introduction of any such amendment.

  • It's way past time for Congress to pass this amendment and place it before the various states for ratification, and I challenge the Congress to do it with this one simple statement.

  • What do they fear they fear the American people.

  • Why not give the American people the chance to vote on this?

  • Ladies and gentlemen, That's why the Republican Party gave strong endorsement in its neck 1964 platform to a constitutional amendment permitting those individuals and groups who choose to do so to exercise their religion freely in public places.

  • The platform statement provides, of course, for safeguards preserving the separation of church and state.

  • And it leaves a decision on whether voluntary prayers are to be permitted in, for example, public schools up to the state and local authorities, not the nine appointed justices of our Supreme Court.

  • And I remind you that this is precisely what our Constitution intended now, unfortunately, and I say this with feeling, the platform of the opposition party is entirely silent on the question of a prayer amendment.

  • In fact, you will search in vain for any reference to God or religion in the opposition party's platform.

  • Now this this is a matter of regret because religion is a concern to all Americans, no matter what their party label.

  • Maybe this is a matter of even greater regret when we realize that this platform with its utter disregard of God was written to the exact specifications of our president.

  • Now, perhaps Assad platform is silent because the candidate for vice president, Hubert Humphrey, is totally opposed to any form of prayer amendment.

  • The formal statement, in fact, of the Americans for Democratic Action, as presented to the Democratic Platform Committee, reads.

  • We oppose all attempts to modify or weak in the First Amendment, which safeguards the freedom of religious worship and maintains a separation of church and state.

  • Then that Mr Humphrey, who was one of the founders of this organization and up until recently a vice president, personally endorsed this formal statement with his signature.

  • And early in the earlier in the year, he put himself on record and even stronger terms.

  • On addressing the American Baptist Convention in May, he said, If some people where is interested in good schools, as in making God popular in the school, I think this country would be better off.

  • No, I've never asked him, but I wonder if it ever occurred to Mr Humphrey that the very meeting at which he uttered these words opened and close with a prayer.

  • And I I wonder if it ever occurred to him, and it should, because he's in that Senate every day at every session of the Senate in which he appears, opens with an invocation to the divine being.

  • And I asked, This simple question is that against the First Amendment?

  • I don't agree with Mr Humphrey.

  • I don't agree with the Democratic headquarters.

  • I agree.

  • And I believe you do, too, with the words of Thomas Jefferson inscribed on his memorial in Washington.

  • God, who gave us life, gave us liberty.

  • Now the question comes the question then comes.

  • Can the liberties of a nation be secure when we have removed a conviction that these liberties are the gift of God?

  • I agree.

  • And I believe you do, too, with the first president of our country.

  • And if you read his messages farewell message.

  • You'll recall these words of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity.

  • Religion and morality are indispensable.

  • Supports in vain with that man claimed the tribute of patriotism.

  • Who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness?

  • These firmest props of the duties of men and citizens and let us with caution in does is supposition that morality can be maintained without religion.

  • Now I suggest tonight let us heed these words.

  • Let us take warning of the moral crisis of our time, my fellow Americans.

  • Is this the time in our nation's history for the federal government to ban all mighty God from our school rooms?

  • I trust not a People who believe in freedom, who believe in self restraint and diligence must also cultivate humility and reverence.

  • And with your help and with God's blessing, I pledged my every effort to a reconstruction of reverence and moral strength, those great pillars of human happiness in our land.

  • But I must also remind you age and every one of you, that this is not solely the job of the president.

  • It's not solely the job or the people in high office in this land.

  • Yes, it will be our responsibility to lead good moral lives, lives that can serve as examples.

  • But if you don't do it, too, if all Americans don't do it, we are not going to attack and overcome the evils that walk our streets.

  • Today.

  • I don't despair.

  • I don't think this country is lost.

  • I don't think the immorality that we see can't be corrected.

  • But I want to say one thing to you in closing.

  • It's not going to be corrected at the bottom when immorality occurs.

  • And you know this from a study of history.

  • It always starts at the top.

  • I don't care whether it's government, a corporation of business, an organization.

  • When the boss can get away with something, it's perfectly natural for someone down the line to say if he can do it, I can, too.

  • On then it becomes perfectly natural for the child to say My father does it.

  • My father cheats the government on his income tax, brags about it.

  • So what's wrong with me doing a little bit of it?

  • A little bit of stealing.

  • Think about these things.

  • They're very simple.

  • They're very basic.

  • They're not complicated.

  • But there are things that Americans into two great numbers do not understand because they are simple.

  • Many Americans don't like simple things.

  • That's what they have against we conservatives.

  • They want complicated answers that only bring control over your lives.

  • We look to history.

  • We want to preserve the best qualities of history.

  • So the week in advance on those qualities and we conserve.

  • It is of both parties.

  • No, at the rial Strength of America is to be found in America's families.

  • And the future of America rests with you, future fathers and mothers, and you present fathers and mothers.

  • And yes, we grandfather's, too.

  • It's been wonderful to be with you tonight.

  • I am.

  • I'm highly honored by having been permitted to visit with you in this building that we all have reverence for regardless of our faith.

  • And I thank you for your wonderful attention, and I hope that what I've said tonight will mean something to you.

  • Thank you.

  • You have just participated in an historic address by presidential candidate speaking from the Tabernacle Temple Square in Salt Lake City.

  • I'm Dean Burch, Republican national chairman.

  • The program you just heard was paid for with the contribution sent in by thousands of supporters of Barry Goldwater.

  • We thank all of you for making it possible, but it's a sad state of affairs when candidate Johnson has given free time on three television networks and four radio networks, and Barry Goldwater is denied equal time to answer.

  • All we could pay for was one television network that's wrong and Every American knows it's wrong, but Barry Goldwater can't be kept off the air.

  • Not a few help.

  • Send your contributions to Barry Goldwater, Box 1964 Washington, D.

  • C.

  • If you believe in fair play and giving both candidates a chance to be heard, send in your contribution.

  • You can call Western Union right now or mail a check to Barry Goldwater, Box 1964 Washington, D.

  • C.

I said in my opening speech.

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1960年代の保守派は、多くの人が今日見ているアメリカを描写する (1960s Conservative Describes An America Many See Today)

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    林宜悉 に公開 2021 年 01 月 14 日
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